Bin
Laden and the Logic of Power
by
John O. Voll
During the 1990s there were a number of competing conceptual
frameworks used in efforts to understand new modes of global
conflict. Two of the most important conceptualizations of
conflicts were the "clash of civilizations" model most clearly
articulated by Samuel Huntington and cultural polarity models
made popular by best-selling books by Benjamin Barber and
Thomas Friedman. Their book titles clearly present the defined
lines of conflict: Jihad vs. McWorld and The Lexus
and the Olive Tree. In many ways these two models were
complementary, emphasizing the cultural dimensions of conflicts
that were often defined in religious and ethnic terms. These
different polarities represented significantly different
life styles and were seen as representing sharply contrasting
social and political systems, even though there was significant
interaction among the different societies as a result of
globalization.
The bin Laden recruitment film emphasizes a significant
dimension of global conflicts and interactions that the
religio-cultural models often ignore: the importance of
raw physical, military power in shaping the contemporary
"world order." Many of the most powerful images in the film
are those of military force. The repetition of pictures
of large tanks in battle formation and of soldiers, clearly
identifiable as soldiers by their clothing and weapons,
pushing and beating children and Islamically-dressed women
emphasize the military and force dimensions of the situation.
The tanks and soldiers represent the sheer power of the
adversary as defined in the film. The words of the songs
and the exhortations as well as the visual images of the
film emphasize that the conflict in which bin Laden and
those associated with the film are involved is, in many
important ways, an issue of power. The constant reference
to the Quranic message and the mission of Islam provides
a religious framing for the presentation, but the subject
of the presentation is power and how the power of the forces
that have suppressed and exploited Muslims can be countered
and defeated.
The conflict as defined in this film is not simply
a "Jihad against McWorld." If one uses that phrasing, the
film defines the conflict much more completely in terms
of "Jihad against Crusade." McDonald's, Kentucky Fried Chicken,
and other establishments that are viewed as symbols of the
Americanizing forces of McWorld have been attacked by anti-American
demonstrators following the terrorist attacks on the World
Trade Center and the American military response. However,
there are virtually no images of McWorld as the enemy in
this recruitment video. Instead, the enemy is defined in
terms of the military power of the "Crusaders." It is important
in this regard to note that the film concentrates on the
military occupation of the Arabian Islamic holy land,
and does not attack (although bin Laden clearly must object
to) the presence of McDonald's restaurants in Saudi Arabia
since 1993, including in the holy city of Mecca itself.
The conflict is presented not as a clash of cultures and
lifestyles, or even of civilizations. It is presented as
a conflict between righteous but weak peoples who are oppressed
and subjugated by the tremendous physical power of an unbelieving
enemy.
This video presentation should necessitate some redefinition
of the basic nature of the conflict that is represented
most starkly in the clash between the United States and
Osama bin Laden. The supporters of bin Laden may be against
democracy and human rights as understood in the United States,
and early American responses to the terrorist acts of 11
September defined the attackers as enemies of democracy.
However, many so-called Islamic "fundamentalists" who do
not advocate violence believe that democracy and Islam are
compatible, and that Islam may, in fact, require some form
of democracy as the basic political system for Muslims in
the contemporary world. This video does not engage in the
"Islam and democracy" debate. It presents a perspective
that argues that however democratic and free American society
might be domestically, the face that it presents to the
Muslim world is one of overwhelming military force that
is used to compel Muslims to submit, without choice, to
the commands of those who control that military force. In
other words, in the minds of those who created this video,
the conflict is not about attacking or defending Western
style democracy and freedom, it is about responding with
force to the seemingly overwhelming military power of the
West.
Other analysts define the conflict in terms of a struggle
against modernity. Aryeh Neier, writing in the Washington
Post (9 October 2001), for example, noted that Huntington
might be correct in suggesting that the clash may be cultural,
but "religion may not be the most important fault line.
The calamitous events of Sept. 11 can be seen as a new phase
in a long struggle in which tribalists and fundamentalists
have identified cosmopolitanism and modernity as their arch
enemy." The recruitment video can, in some of the words
and arguments used, support this broader view, but the very
format of a contemporary, well-produced video argues against
seeing the movement that the video represents as "anti-modern."
The global networks of bin Laden's organization and the
capacity to utilize contemporary communications technology
show that the movement is a product of globalizing modernity.
The cosmopolitan, multinational composition of the terrorist
networks emphasize that the movement is not opposed to "cosmopolitanism"
in generic terms; rather, it is opposes one type of cosmopolitanism
with another. In this, again, the issue becomes the issue
of power. "Modernity" is not so much an issue as is the
power that modernity has given to people who are viewed
as unbelievers.
This video seeks to inspire and mobilize people. It is
not a careful intellectual presentation of an ideological
program or theological position. It does, however, have
its place in a significant modern tradition of thought and
faith in the Muslim world. The so-called fundamentalists
seldom advocate a return to medieval conditions of life,
and often reject medieval scholastic formulations as strongly
as they reject contemporary secularist ideologies. Most
Muslims within this tradition do not advocate violence as
a response to contemporary problems. However, many recognize
that coercive power is a decisive aspect of the contemporary
Muslim world. The video goes through a long list of places
where Muslims have been defeated and oppressed by superior
military force and says that force can only be countered
by force. This is in the tradition of a Shiite teacher writing
from a besieged section of Beirut during the Lebanese civil
war in the 1970s, Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah, who said:
"History! The history of war and peace, in knowledge and
wealth and in all other things. Truly, it is the history
of the powerful and their adversaries who are the followers
of the Truth. As for the weak and the powerless, they are
not able to gain benefit until they take hold of the sources
of power." (al-Islam wa mantiq al-qawah [Islam and
the Logic of Power], 1979, page 17) The video seeks to mobilize
the weak and the powerless by offering a way to take hold
of the sources of power.