CIAO DATE: 04/02
Volume XXXVI No. 4 (October-December 2001)
This century' s new wars - the wars of 911 - may prove to be a catalyst for reinforced transatlantic ties. As the battle against a new anarchy (akin to other revolutionary transformations in the history of warfare) is waged, and as the search for a new normalcy (a new global order that focuses on failed states) is launched, these wars will determine America' s credibility as a durable power. Whether the long-established transatlantic community of values can be translated into an effective community of action during the months and years ahead is the conclusive test - a sort of finality debate for the Euro-Atlantic community that was born after World War II and matured during the Cold War.
The relative places occupied by the major international powers have not changed after September 11. Nor have essential global problems been changed or resolved. Yet, the revelation of US vulnerability will have a major impact on US policy, driving the country in one of two directions: towards isolationism or towards greater cooperation with other powers. In any case, an attempt must be made, especially by the US but also by a unified European Union, to understand the motivations behind the attack and to seek political, rather than technological or military solutions to the underlying problems.
The terrorist assault of September 11 2001 and the world' s reaction to it have opened up a " great debate" on the international implications of these developments. The spectrum of assessments lies between two intellectual extremes. One postulates that everything has changed in the international system, with the latter entering a new era that will see traditional values, norms, interests, orientations, political instincts and behavioral patterns of major actors radically modified. The proponents of the opposite approach argue that basically nothing has changed; however dramatic these events might have been, they do not invalidate fundamental factors determining the international developments, even if highlighting some of the ongoing trends. The article attempts to draw an analytical line between these two intellectual poles. It distinguishes three dimensions of the problem by (i) speculating upon the eventual impact on the US foreign policy, (ii) considering the consequences for international developments at large and (iii) focusing upon the possible effects for Russia.
TEPSA Europe Forum
The Convention established under the Laeken summit will have to seek a balance between democratic legitimation and efficiency in choosing among the various options that will emerge from the debate on the role of national parliaments in the European architecture. Setting up a second chamber composed of representatives from national parliaments with the task of presiding over the principle of subsidiarity and controlling second and third pillar matters may add a degree of complication to the institutional framework. On the other hand, it can be objected that the idea of having government representatives in the Council of Ministers work together with members of national parliaments could lead to a confusion of roles. In order to go beyond the current pillar system, as is hoped, it may be better to extend the powers of the European Parliament while developing forms of interparliamentary cooperation. A further contribution to this process may be provided by a strengthening of COSAC and by the adoption of framework agreements establishing " filter" committees within the European Parliament in which members of national parliaments participate.
The European Union is developing a Common European Security and Defence Policy through new institutional structures and the setting up of a European Rapid Deployment Force. As a result, most recent literature argues that the concept of a " civilian power Europe" (short on weapons but long on economic power) has become obsolete. This article takes the opposite view. In fact, thanks to the militarising of the EU, the latter might at long last act as a real civilian power in the world: an international force for the promotion of democratic principles.The EU needs to become a civilian power " by design" rather than a mere civilian presence " by default" , as is now the case.
Italian foreign policy survey
The Italian armed forces and intelligence services are in the midst of a process of restructuring to adapt them to the new international environment. A profound reform of the entire political-institutional organisation of the defence system is needed, yet there has already been significant improvement, such as the transition from conscription to a totally professional corps and the reduction in the number of troops.
Italy is one of the countries most committed to setting up the ESDP and improving NATO, but its capability gaps and chronic lack of funds are compromising its international commitments and standing. The article examines the Italian defence system, addresses the main problems afflicting it and tries to suggest some policies to overcome these difficulties.
Europe and the Mediterranean
The paper discusses Israel' s attitude towards and experience with the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) launched in November 1995, and analyses the EMP' s economic and political rationale from an Israeli perspective. For Israel, the framework of the EMP remains difficult. While participating as a southern Mediterranean country, Israel differs from other southern participants in terms of its political and socio-economic features, which are more similar to those of EU countries. Israel' s perception of being caught between Europe and the Orient is also reflected in terms of culture and identity in view of the EU' s attempts to promote a Mediterranean identity.
Is there a common future for Mediterranean countries? All the European documents state that Europe has a political obligation to ensure peace in the Mediterranean basin by promoting development, using a mechanism centred on the progressive integration of the countries on both sides of the sea. The driving power behind this kind of transformation is the "stick" of domestic market opening; besides the stick however there is the "carrot" of structural funds to accelerate industrial adjusment. In this key, this article draws up a balance sheet of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, more than five years after the first Barcelona Conference and two years away from the next Barcelona Conference.
The European Union' s involvement in the Cyprus dispute seems to have led only to a further " securitisation" in and around the island, despite all the fanfare as to the catalytic effect it would have. It is argued that if the EU had stated that the island could become a member of the EU once a " confederal" or " loose federal" arrangement had been reached between the two communities, the catalytic effects of the membership process would have been generated. Such an EU approach would also have reduced the security risks in the eastern Mediterranean region by bringing Turkey closer into the EU orbit.
Book Reviews and Notes
Ian Manners' Substance and Symbolism: An Anatomy of Cooperation in the New Europe Intergovernmental cooperation amongst EC member states was achieved by agreeing insubstantial, but symbolic compromises. These compromises are now changing as symbolism is leading to substance in the early 2000s.