World Affairs

World Affairs

Vol. 4, Number 3 (Sept. 2000)

 

China In a Changing World
Interview with Tang Jiaxuan, Minister of Foreign Affaris of the People's Republic of China

 

In an exclusive interview, the Minister of Foreign Affaris of the People's Republic of China, Tang Jiaxuan provides an insight into some of the major foreign policy issues facing his country.

Tang Jiaxuan (TJ): Since the end of the Cold War, major and profound changes have taken place in the global political and economic situation. China unswervingly pursues an independent foreign policy of peace. The basic objectives of the policy are to safeguard its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, create a good international environment for its reform, continue the politics of opening-up and of modernisation, safeguard world peace and promote common development.

Independence is the most salient feature of Chinese diplomacy. China determines its position and policy on all international affairs on the merits of each case by proceeding from the fundamental interests of the people of China and the world. China opposes hegemonism, safeguards world peace and works vigorously for the establishment of a just and rational, new international political and economic order. China is of the view that the new international order should be based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and other universally recognised norms governing international relations.

China respects the diversity of the world and stands ready to establish and develop friendly relations and cooperation with all other countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. An important component of China's foreign policy is to actively develop friendly and good-neighbourly relations with neighbouring countries. To strengthen solidarity and cooperation with the vast number of developing countries is the basic point underlying China's foreign policy. China also attaches importance to improving and developing its relations with the developed countries.

China pursues a policy of all-round opening-up. With a view to promoting common prosperity, it is ready to conduct extensive contacts, economic and technical cooperation and scientific and cultural exchanges with all other countries and regions in the world on the basis of the principle of equality and mutual benefit. China is actively engaged in multilateral diplomacy and is a staunch force for world peace and regional stability.

China and India are close neighbours and are both big developing countries. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence jointly initiated by the two countries are playing a great role in international relations. A long-term stable, friendly and good-neighbourly relationship of cooperation between China and India serves the fundamental interests of the two countries.

WA: Despite the fact that China has become a major power playing a significant role in the international system, it is still not a member of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Have the negotiations with all the interested parties been concluded, or are there still some hurdles?

TJ: China is one of the founding parties of GATT (predecessor of WTO) which was established in 1948. Following the restoration of the lawful seat of the People's Republic of China at the UN General Assembly in 1971, GATT abolished the observer status of the Taiwan authorities accordingly. It has been fourteen years from the day when China applied for the restoration of its status as a contracting party to GATT in 1986 to the present time when it is applying for accession to the WTO. For fourteen years, China as a developing country has, according to the principle of balanced rights and obligations, always adopted a positive attitude towards, and made enormous efforts, for its entry into the WTO.

Now the negotiations on China's entry into the WTO have reached the final stage. China has already concluded its negotiations with 35 out of 37 WTO members who asked for bilateral negotiations with it. It is stepping up its consultations with Switzerland and Mexico, the remaining two members. Meanwhile, the multilateral negotiations on the documents for China's accession at the China Working Party have also entered a substantive stage and are progressing smoothly. China hopes that with the concerted efforts of the parties concerned, all negotiations will be concluded and procedures completed as soon as possible so that it may become a member of the WTO at an early date. I am optimistic about that.

China's entry into the WTO is required not only by the practical need of China's reform, its opening-up and its integration into the economic globalisation, but it is also objectively required by a need to bring its reforms and its opening-up onto a new stage that is conducive to economic cooperation and to trade regime. The entry into the WTO by China will bring its reform and its opening-up onto a new stage that will open prospects for economic cooperation and trade with other countries, including India.

WA: Have the North-South configurations and non-alignment, rampant during the Cold War, lost much of their relevance today?

TJ: After World War II, the international economic system was established on a basis favourable to the Western developed countries. Meanwhile, because of the difference in the economic base and level of development, the gap between the North and the South has continued to widen. The developing countries strongly called for North-South dialogue with a view to improving the North-South economic relations and seeking common development. In this connection, developing and developed countries conducted a series of multilateral consultations on international economic cooperation and development, but they failed to produce substantive results. Since the beginning of the 1990s, economic globalisation and hi-tech, with information technology at the core, have developed rapidly, contributing to a rapid growth of the world economy and bringing development opportunities to the developing economies as well. But the developing countries have not been able to enjoy their dividends in a true and balanced sense. On the contrary, they have been negatively impacted. As a result, the North-South gap has continued to widen. If such a situation in which the rich get richer and the poor poorer continues, not only the developing economies will suffer seriously, but also the developed countries will find it hard to maintain their own prosperity.

Therefore, we believe that first of all, the question of North-South relations must be solved before a new international economic order is to be established and global common development realised. In recent years we see with regret that the North-South dialogue has been in a stalemate. We hope that the developed countries as the main beneficiaries of economic globalisation will demonstrate their political sincerity, shoulder greater responsibility and obligations, and reopen a new round of North-South dialogue.

Now the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has over the years played an important role in international affairs and made constructive efforts in safeguarding the interests of the developing countries and working for just and rational solutions to major international issues. Today the basic purposes of NAM are still full of vitality. In the current international situation, NAM, with its over 100 member states, remains a good form of solidarity and mutual assistance among developing countries and is an important force that sustains global multi-polarisation. I am convinced that as long as NAM, in line with the changing situation, makes timely readjustment of its strategy, strengthens its solidarity and coordinates positions, it will continue to play its role of safeguarding the interests of the developing countries and of promoting the establishment of a just and equitable new international order.

WA: What about China? Has it envisaged becoming a member of these groupings of developing countries?

TJ: China has always attached importance to NAM and maintained good cooperation with it. Since China became an observer to NAM in 1992, its cooperation with it has made further progress. It will, as always, support NAM in the constructive efforts to promote world peace and development, and is ready to keep up its exchanges and its consultations with NAM members on major international issues.

WA: China, Russia and India have taken a firm position against US plans to establish an anti-defence system. In this connection, has there been any consultation between the three countries?

TJ: The United States has been developing an advanced missile defence system in violation of the ABM Treaty under the pretext of the so-called "missile threat". Its real intention is to ensure its own absolute security and "freedom of action". This will upset the global and regional strategic balance and stability, retard the process of international arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation and spark a new round of arms race. It arouses great concern in the international community which is universally opposed. Proceeding from the common position of maintaining global strategic stability and peace, China and Russia have carried out productive cooperation on the question of missile defence since last year. During his visit to China not long ago, President Putin signed with President Jiang Zemin the Joint Statement on Missile Defence. Therein the two leaders reiterated their worry about and opposition to the US missile defence programme, and stated that the two countries would strengthen cooperation to safeguard national, regional and global security. Currently, the missile defence issue has become a focus of attention for the international community. More and more countries have come to see the harmful nature and serious consequences of the US NMD programme. Even in the US itself, there is no small opposition against it. I have taken note of India's position of disapproval of this programme. The Chinese side is ready to work with the vast number of peace-loving countries for the preservation of global strategic balance and stability and of the international arms control and disarmament process.

WA: China's relations with the United States have improved considerably in the nineties; but they came under a cloud after NATO's bombardment of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Can one say they are once again on track, or do you still have difficulties?

TJ: Both China and the US are influential countries in the world. A sound and stable China-US relationship not only serves the common interests of the two peoples but also peace, stability and development of the world. Since the 1990s China-US relations have, generally speaking, continued to move forward despite twists and turns. Particularly, the presidents of the two countries successfully exchanged visits in 1997 and 1998 where the two sides decided to commit themselves to build a constructive strategic partnership in the twenty-first century. This has given the direction, and has set up a framework for the development of China-US relations in this century and beyond. In May last year, the US bombed the Chinese Embassy in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which severely damaged China-US relations. The Chinese Government made a strong response, demanding that the US side take a serious and responsible attitude and give the Chinese Government and people a satisfactory explanation of the bombing.

Since the end of last year, thanks to the joint efforts of the two sides, China-US relations have gradually embarked on the track of improvement and development. There have been more high-level contacts and consultations as well as new progress in the exchanges and cooperation in such bilateral areas as the economy and trade and on international and regional issues. The Chinese and US presidents met at the UN Millennium Summit in September this year and will meet again at the APEC Informal Leadership Meeting in November. This will play a positive role in promoting bilateral ties in this century and beyond. At present, there still exist some issues in China-US relations which need to be handled appropriately. The question of Taiwan is the most important and sensitive one. The US Government has, on many occasions, reaffirmed its commitment to the one China policy, the three Sino-US Joint Communiqués and "the three-no policy", namely, no support to the independence of Taiwan, no support to "two China" or "one China, one Taiwan" and no support to Taiwan's accession to any international organisation open only to sovereign states. Notwithstanding these declarations, the US side has continued its official contacts with and sale of sophisticated weapons to Taiwan. The Chinese side demands that the US honour its words, strictly abide by the three Sino-US Joint Communiqués and its relevant commitments, and prudently and properly handle the question of Taiwan.

At the turn of the century, China-US relations are at an important juncture linking what comes before and after. The Chinese Government attaches importance to developing China-US relations. We believe that as long as the three Sino-US Joint Communiqués and the basic norms governing international relations are observed to the letter, China-US relations will be able to develop on a sound and steady basis.

WA: What is the present status of China's relations with the Russian Federation?

TJ: Russia is the biggest neighbour of China and a large country with significant influence in the world. The Chinese side attaches importance to developing good-neighbourly friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation with it. Since the two countries established the strategic partnership of coordination in April 1996, their bilateral relations have maintained a momentum of sustained, stable and sound development, and their strategic coordination has been brought up to a higher level. Remarkable achievements have been made in the bilateral exchanges and cooperation in the political, economic, trade, scientific, technological and other fields. On such questions as Taiwan, Tibet, Chechnya and human rights, the two countries support each other and oppose all the attempts by the US and other Western countries to interfere in other countries' internal affairs. By so doing, they have effectively safeguarded their respective national dignity, state sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity.

In international affairs, including such major issues as missile defence, arms control, nuclear disarmament, regional hot spots, pushing for world multipolarisation and the establishment of a fair and reasonable new international order, the two countries have had close cooperation and coordination, which has yielded a series of results. The establishment and development of China-Russia strategic partnership of coordination is not only in the fundamental interests of the two peoples but also conducive to maintaining and promoting regional and even global peace, stability and development.

In July this year, President Putin paid a successful visit to China. The two presidents signed and issued The China-Russia Beijing Declaration and The Joint Statement on Missile Defence. The two sides affirmed that they would continue to develop the China-Russia strategic partnership of coordination in an all-round manner, expand their cooperation in bilateral and international areas and work for the furtherance of their bilateral ties in the new century. A few days ago, Chairman Li Peng of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress paid a visit to Russia at the invitation of the speakers of the Upper and Lower Houses of Russia's Federal Assembly. During his visit, Chairman Li Peng met and held talks with Russian leaders, and had an extensive contact with Russian personalities from various circles. His visit was a great success and helped to further strengthen the exchanges and cooperation between the Chinese and Russian parliaments, and promote a multi-tier, multi-channel and all-round development of China-Russia relations.

WA: What is the status of China's relations with the European Union? How do you view its planned expansion in Central and Eastern Europe?

TJ: In recent years, the relations between China and the EU and its member states have developed quite well on the whole. There have been frequent exchanges of high-level visits between the two sides and further expansion of cooperation in all fields. A short time ago, I accompanied Premier Shu Rongji on his visit to EU headquarters where in-depth discussions on strengthening China-EU relations took place with European counterparts and a broad consensus was reached. China and the EU established an annual summit mechanism in 1998, and the third China-EU Summit will be held in Beijing this October when the two sides will further exchange views on deepening mutual cooperation. Political consultations and dialogue at all levels between China and the EU have been active too, which have contributed to enhanced mutual understanding and better cooperation in international and regional affairs between the two sides. The EU is the third largest trading partner of China as well as its major partner in the field of investment and technical cooperation. We positively appraise the measures adopted by the EU in recent years to improve and develop its relations with China. Of course, there are some problems and divergences in China-EU relations, and we favour their proper handling through dialogue on the basis of equality and mutual respect.

China attaches importance to developing its relations with the EU and its member states and hopes that the EU will play a positive role in safeguarding world peace, strengthening North-South cooperation and promoting common development. China wishes to develop a long-term stable, constructive partnership with the EU on the basis of mutual respect, equality, and mutual benefit, seeking common ground while shelving differences. This is in the fundamental interests of the two sides and serves world peace, stability and development.

We hope that the EU enlargement process will be beneficial to peace, stability and prosperity in Europe and to the mutually beneficial cooperation between EU member states and non-EU member states including China and India.

WA: What about NATO's expansion into Central and Eastern Europe?

TJ: Ten years have gone by since the end of the Cold War. Great changes have taken place in the security situation in Europe. What kind of new security mechanism should be established in Europe not only has a bearing on the immediate interests of all countries and peoples in Europe, but is also of much interest to all countries and to peoples of different regions. The expansion and reinforcement of military alliances and wilful use or threat of force run counter to the trend of the times, when the people of the world are seeking peace, development and cooperation. The lesson of the Kosovo war merits a profound reflection by the international community. Facts have proven that the principles of the UN Charter are not outdated and that the UN and its Security Council is irreplaceable for the maintenance of world peace and security. Countries should abandon the Cold War mentality once and for all. They should establish a new security concept, carry out dialogues, foster mutual trust and enhance cooperation so that a just and reasonable new international political and economic order can be established, and a world of peace, stability and development prevails in the new century.

WA: What is China's attitude to the new head of Taiwan whose party is committed to the independence of the island? Does your Government still think that this is exclusively an internal matter, or do you see any scope for mediation by a friendly country?

TJ: As is known to all, there is only one China in the world. The Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government representing the entire Chinese people. Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory. No matter who is elected as a new leader of the Taiwan region, the fact that Taiwan is part of Chinese territory cannot be changed. As to whether the new leader in Taiwan will take the cross-Straits relations seriously, we will listen to what he says and watch what he does; we will wait and see. We have reiterated time and again that the basic principle guiding the solution of the Taiwan question is "peaceful reunification and one country, two systems". We are willing to exchange views on the question of peaceful reunification of the motherland with all parties, groups and personalities in Taiwan provided that the dialogue and negotiations are based on the recognition of the one China principle in the first place. Under this pre-condition, anything can be discussed. In a word, we have the utmost sincerity in achieving reunification of the motherland. We are also adamant on foiling any separatist attempts and safeguarding our national sovereignty and territorial integrity. We have always held that the question of Taiwan is a question left over from the civil war in China and is purely China's internal affair. Therefore, it is only logical that the question of peaceful national reunification ought to be resolved by the Chinese people on the two sides of the Taiwan Straits themselves. The entire Chinese people, including our Taiwan compatriots, are fully capable of setting this question.

WA: China's interest has increased considerably in the Middle East, particularly after President Jiang Zemin's visit to the area. Has your Government taken a position on the breakdown of Palestinian-Israeli negotiations?

TJ: China has always followed the Middle East peace process closely and above all, the settlement of the Palestinian question, which is the core of the Middle East question. Generally speaking, thanks to the efforts of all parties concerned, the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks are moving ahead and have made some major progress. Since the questions involved in the current Palestinian-Israeli peace talks bear on the immediate interests of vital importance to the two sides, it is hardly possible that difficulties and obstacles do not occur in the talks. We believe that as long as all parties take the relevant UN resolutions and the principle of "land for peace" as the basis, persist in negotiating in a conscientious and pragmatic manner, and earnestly implement the existing agreements in the spirit of mutual trust and mutual accommodation, the peace talks will continue to make new progress. As a permanent member of the Security Council, China has always been strongly supportive of the Middle East peace process and made unremitting efforts to push for its progress. In mid-August, Palestinian President, Yasser Arafat and Israeli Minister of Regional Cooperation, Shimon Peres visited China successively to brief us on the development of the Middle East peace talks. We, on our part, made use of the opportunity to persuade both sides to stick to the choice for peace and continue to resolve their differences through negotiations so as to reach a final agreement at an early date. Both the Palestinians and the Israelis expressed their appreciation of the position taken and positive role played by China on this issue. China will continue to make its due contribution to help the two sides surmount their difficulties and push for the further progress of the peace talks.

WA: What are your views on the new process of reconciliatory negotiations on the Korean Peninsula?

TJ: This year has witnessed gratifying and positive changes in the North-South relations on the Korean Peninsula. A historic summit was held between DPRK leader Kim Jong-II and ROK President Kin Dae Jong. The two sides reached a five-point agreement on the independent resolution of such questions as the national reunification and issued a Common Declaration. At present, both sides have shown sincerity in implementing the agreement and made considerable progress. The talks between the Red Cross Associations and ministers of the North and the South have also been fruitful. Delegations of the first group of separated families from the two sides have been exchanged. A new situation has emerged in economic cooperation and trade between the North and the South. We welcome all this.

As a close neighbour of the Korean Peninsula, China takes the maintenance of peace and stability of the Peninsula as the fundamental principle underlying its policy regarding the Peninsula. China has all along upheld that the question of the reunification of the Korean Peninsula be resolved by the two parties concerned through dialogue and consultation. We are of the view that the realisation of national reconciliation between the North and the South of the Peninsula not only conforms to the basic interests and aspirations of the Korean nation, but also is conducive to the maintenance of peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula in particular, and the Asian-Pacific region in general. We hope that the two sides continue to enhance mutual trust and increase exchanges and cooperation in all fields in a spirit of reconciliation and cooperation, and create a favourable atmosphere for the ultimate realisation of the independent and peaceful unification of the Peninsula.

WA: What are your Government's views on the nuclearisation of South Asia?

TJ: As we all know, it is against a special historical background that something is done. In the 1960s it was solely under the compelling circumstances at the time that China was forced to develop a small amount of nuclear weapons in order to break the nuclear threat and blackmail directed at it. In the 1990s, peace and development became the main subject of the times. The Cold War came to an end. The international anti-proliferation mechanism was being improved and the CTBT was concluded. Anyway, nuclear disarmament was making headway, though rather slowly. It should be said that the changing developments were epoch-making. The efforts of countries to seek peace and development by working for arms reduction, especially weapons of mass destruction such as nuclear weapons, were the general trend of the times and also in the common interests of the international community.

The nuclearisation in South Asia dealt a heavy blow to the process of anti-nuclear-proliferation and nuclear disarmament by the international community. It also led to a new round of arms race between the relevant countries in the region, thus increasing mutual confrontation and disbelief, while harming the interests of countries of the area.

As a close neighbour of South Asia, China sincerely hopes to see the maintenance of peace and stability in the region. China holds that the UN Security Council Resolution No 1172 reflects the consensus of the international community on the nuclear issue of South Asia. Comprehensive implementation of this resolution is an effective way to solve this issue.

WA: What is the present status of China's relations with Pakistan?

TJ: China and Pakistan are good neighbours. Since the establishment of diplomatic ties 49 years ago, the friendly relations and cooperation between the two countries have been growing on a steady and sound basis. The mutually beneficial cooperation between the two sides in various fields has been fruitful. Though different in historical background, social system and ideology, China and Pakistan have carried forward bilateral relations steadily over the decades. One of the important reasons is that both sides have strictly abided by the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, especially the principle of non-interference in each other's internal affairs. It is our view that the maintenance of a long-term friendship between China and Pakistan not only serves the fundamental interests of the two countries and peoples, but also contributes to peace and stability in this region. China-Pakistan friendly relations and cooperation are not directed at any third country.

WA: Are Sino-Indian relations improving with the different visits effectuated by Chinese and Indian leaders?

TJ: China and India are close neighbours. They are both big developing countries with the largest population in the world. The Chinese and Indian people have an age-old traditional friendship. At present, both our countries face the common task of developing their economies and improving peoples' lives. Therefore, our two countries need real friendship and cooperation.

We are glad that due to bilateral efforts, our relations have continued to improve and develop. We jointly celebrated the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and India. Indian President Shri K R Narayanan made a successful visit to China. Last July, I was invited to visit India, which produced positive results. The two sides reached agreement on five aspects such as increasing bilateral economic relations and trade, expanding military exchanges, bringing up bilateral security dialogue to a higher level, quickening the process of verifying the LAC and the launching of the "Sino-Indian Eminent Persons Forum". Bilateral exchange in the economic, cultural and scientific, and technological fields have also been enhanced. I think the steady development of Sino-Indian relations can be attributed to two principal factors. First, leaders of the two countries have reaffirmed their agreement regarding the development of bilateral relations. That is, neither of us sees the other as a threat, and our relations are guided by the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Second, we are both ready to make sustained efforts to develop bilateral relations, proceeding as we are from the goal of maintaining regional and world peace. We hope to see the continuous development of bilateral relations, and we are fully confident of their future. Of course, while we see the mainstream of growing Sino-Indian relations, we do not deny the fact that there are differences between the two countries, some of which are rather big. However, when looking back on the course Sino-Indian relations have covered, we hold that as long as both sides proceed from the overall interests of bilateral relations and step-up consultations in a spirit of frankness and friendship, fairness and reason, mutual understanding and mutual accommodation, all these differences can be solved. At the turn of the century, the Chinese side believes that with bilateral efforts we are sure to be able to maintain a good momentum of further developing the ongoing Sino-Indian relations.

WA: What is the exact status of Sino-Indian border talks? Why, in your view, are they taking so much time to reach an agreement? What are the hurdles and what are the difficulties?

TJ: The Sino-Indian boundary question is a complicated one left over by history and is a result of the invasion and expansion by colonialists. The Sino-Indian boundary question involves the history, geography and national sentiments of the two countries; so naturally its solution takes time and needs patience.

The Chinese Government has always attached importance to the Sino-Indian question and committed itself to a peaceful solution. With the improvement of the bilateral relations and the joint efforts by the two sides, peace and tranquillity have on the whole been basically maintained in the border areas over the year. This has undoubtedly created a favourable atmosphere and the necessary conditions for a step-by-step solution of the boundary question. China and India signed the Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control in the China-India Border Areas in 1993 and the Agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field Along the LAC in the China-India Border Areas in 1996. These two agreements provide the legal basis for further maintenance of peace and stability in the border areas. It is China's consistent view that in order to solve the boundary question, it is essential to respect the historical facts fully and also take into consideration the national sentiments and immediate interests of the two peoples. It is essential to make vigorous efforts to seek a mutually acceptable solution in accordance with the principles of friendly consultation, mutual understanding and mutual accommodation and in a fair and reasonable manner. At the present stage, the two sides may first clarify and verify the alignment of the middle sector of the LAC of the Sino-Indian boundary in line with their consensus of "tackling easier issues before difficult ones, and sector-by-sector verification". During my visit to India last July the Chinese side suggested that more meetings of expert groups be held each year so as to speed up the process of verifying the alignment of the LAC. This gives full expression to China's sincerity and positive attitude towards the solution of the boundary question. We believe that so long as both sides proceed from the overall interests of the bilateral relations and abide by the consensus reached by leaders of the two countries and the series of principles formulated by the two sides, the Sino-Indian boundary question is bound to be solved eventually. China will, as always, continue its efforts in this regard.

WA: In an interview given to WORLD AFFAIRS, the Indian foreign minister, Jaswant Singh, declared that the two countries "have commenced our security dialogue." Could you tell us what this "security dialogue" is?

TJ: In June 1999 when Indian Minister of External Affairs, Jaswant Singh visited China, the two sides decided to start a mechanism of security dialogue, with the aim of enhancing mutual understanding, increasing mutual trust, enlarging consensus and promoting cooperation through frank exchange of ideas of bilateral, regional and international security issues of common concern. In February this year, the two sides successfully conducted the first round of dialogue in Beijing, which marked the formal launching of this mechanism, and reached important consensus on quite a few matters. Both sides hold that the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence should serve as the basic principles for the establishment of a just and reasonable new international order. In July this year, when I visited India, Mr Singh and I reached a consensus on bringing up the security dialogue to a higher level. Assistant Minister Wang Yi will go to New Delhi at the head of a delegation to take part in the second round of security dialogue towards the end of the year. China and India are two of the largest developing countries in the world. The two countries shoulder important responsibilities for maintaining regional peace and stability and promoting regional development and prosperity. China is ready to work unremittingly with the Indian side to promote the smooth development of this mechanism.

WA: Do you see a great potential for the development of economic relations between China and India? If so, in what sectors?

TJ: Boosting economic, trade, scientific and technological cooperation is an important part of Sino-Indian relations. Since the 1990s, bilateral trade has developed rapidly with an average annual growth of 30 per cent and the total trade volume reaching $1.987 billion in 1999. However, the bilateral trade volume is still very small, compared with the economic scale and national strengths of our two countries. China has always maintained that our two countries have great potential to develop bilateral economic and trade relations, that we can learn from each other, exchange needed goods and services, conduct mutually beneficial cooperation and promote mutual development. In order to push forward our bilateral economic relations the two sides should forcefully develop two-way trade, conduct cooperation in contractual projects and labour services promote mutual investments, and enhance cooperation technology and software industry. The Chinese foreign ministry and the Chinese Embassy in India are willing to act as a bridge in promoting Sino-Indian economic and trade relations. It is our hope that Indian business entities, wishing to cooperate, will contact our Embassy in India. I believe that with the further improvement and development of bilateral relations, economic cooperation and trade will surely reach a new and high level in the new century.