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Map of Europe |
CIAO DATE: 07/03
Volume 2, Number 2, September 2002
Foreword (PDF, 1 page, 39 KB)
Roundtable
Assistance for Democratization: Lessons Learned
Assessing Global Democratization a Decade After the Communist Collapse (PDF, 12 pgs., 106 KB) by Larry Diamond
The latest wave of democratization has been a fertile ground for disputes among transitologists. The criteria for a "consolidated democracy", one decade after the collapse of the communist regimes, are still those that define the liberal democracies: free elections, rule of law, constitutional dealing with ethnic and religious conflicts. The South-East European states, such as Bulgaria and Romania, are dealing with problems that may, in the short term, transform these countries into illiberal or pseudo-democracies. One measure of good democratic performance is the public support for public institutions; sadly, the Balkan countries score poorly on this indicator. Tackling endemic corruption, improving governance and bridging the gap between the state and the civil society are key solutions for acceding to the category of consolidated democracies. Issues such as horizontal accountability, transparentization and dealing with the conflict of interests should be top on the agenda for Balkan decision-makers.
Democracy by Decree (PDF, 5 pgs., 61 KB) by Gerald Knause
After the special UN administration was instituted in Bosnia and Kossovo, the international community, political researchers and local citizens have been faced with a very serious problem, having both theoretical and practical consequences for the process of democracy building: government by decree. The magnitude of crises and the high number of issues that had to be solved at once allowed little time for a proper consultation of citizens, and for creating in the citizenry a proper demand for accountability and democratic procedures of decisionmaking. Sometimes the decrees were even published in English only since the Official Gazette is read mostly by foreigners. Such incomplete governance raises serious questions about the perspective of transferring the political responsibility from international institutions to local politicians.
Three Lessons about Assistance from Kossovo (PDF, 6 pgs., 64 KB) by Thomas Carothers
Some lessons have been learned—or should have been—by the providers of assistance for democratization in the post-communist world. First, while the international community was instrumental in ensuring the elections are free and fair, party building was a disappointing affair. In spite of the large amounts of resources invested, for example, in the right-wing coalitions in Romania and Bulgaria, these organizations remained blatantly unprofessional and suffered major electoral setbacks. Second, an NGO sector has been built, but its sustainability and accomplishments are still in question. Third, media assistance helped many independent publications stay alive and improved the skills of journalists, but left unadressed the issues of motivation and political control, especially in that part where stakes are highest: television stations. Finally, and encompassing all of the above, the donors should understand that the process is as important as the end points in the transition process—or even more. How you do it—responding to real needs in societies, engaging local partners, following strict democratic procedures—should take precedence over achieving milestones and predefined endpoints.
Legal Reforms and Immature Democracies (PDF, 6 pgs., 67 KB) by Leonid Polishchuk
In the last decade the post-communist world was subject to various attempts to build institutions, largely by implanting with little adaptation imports from the Western world. Most of the time, these well-intended efforts have failed, as we can see in the case of Russia. It is about time the international assistance shifted its focus from the transfer of institutions to creating genuine domestic demand for them. Property rights are an area where such a shift would be welcome.
Balkans: Different, but Why and How? (PDF, 5 pgs., 63 KB) by Venelin Ganev
After more than a decade of study of postcommunist transitions the contention that there are profound differences between "Balkan" and "Central-European" countries has attained the status of an unassailable truth. And yet, comparative studies that purport to describe and explain these differences are often littered with simplistic clichés, disturbing stereotypes and analytical "black boxes."
Papers
Culture and Development Economics: Theory, Evidence, Implications (PDF, 24 pgs., 178 KB) by Michael Woolcock, Vijaendra Rao, and Sabina Alkire
The only way to offer universality for one's scientific judgement is to use other disciplines that can contribute to that judgement—or, at least, this seems to be the latest consensus among scholars. Economics is a complex domain which cannot function well without the help of other sciences. Cultural variables are relevant for the economic studies because various forms of cultural behaviour have to be tested by economists for the success of developing and implementing economic strategies. Although economics has the arrogance to consider itself self sufficient, quantitative data must be sustained for accuracy by qualitative interpretations supplied by sociology or anthropology. One can, after using cultural data, find new research questions and raise more accurate theories. This article argues that multidisciplinary studies are the best cure for superficial and unfounded conclusions.
Winning the Hearts and Minds—and Wallets—of the People (PDF, 21 pgs., 166 KB) by William M Downs and Mihnea Ion Nastase
Scholars on both sides of the Atlantic are increasingly interested in explaining volatility in popular support for the European Union's eastward enlargement. While a rich body of research documents attitudinal trends in existing member states, remarkably less effort has been devoted to integrating what we know about citizen preferences in candidate states into the mainstream political science literature. Despite expectations that the EU's allure would produce strong and steady enthusiasm for accession among central and eastern European publics, considerable cross-national and temporal variation exists. Seeking to explain some of that variation, this article gauges the relationship between egocentric, pocketbook evaluations of economic conditions and support for EU membership. Drawing upon evidence from ten Europe Agreement countries and focusing particular attention on Romania, Hungary, and Estonia, the analysis casts significant new light on the debate between two alternative approaches-the "individual opportunities" and "state guarantees society" perspectives.
Politics of Oblivion in Postcommunist Romania (PDF, 9 pgs., 101 KB) by Adrian Cioflance
The fall of authoritarian regimes in South America, Eastern Europe and other parts of the world was not followed by open and articulated debates on the recent past, for fear they would destabilize the societies and postpone the healing of old wounds. Instead, the societies preferred the policy of oblivion—not unlike the Western Europe after World War II. A number of theories and arguments are listed in this article that may explain why in Romania lustration was never a realistic option and the uncovering of the agents of former secret police was largely blocked.