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Map of Europe |
Volume 3, Number 3, September 2004
Child Soldiers-An Integral Element in New, Irregular Wars? by Sabine Collmer (PDF, 11 pages, 175.0 KB)
At present, 300,000 child soldiers are involved in armed conflicts around the world, and their numbers are growing. They are employed in more than thirty countries, most often in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. But they are also brought into action in Europe (in the Balkans) and in the successor states of the former Soviet Union (e.g., in Chechnya).
Is the European Union ever going to be a credible actor in international politics? In the aftermath of the war on Iraq, many analysts tend to answer in the negative. But those who are more optimistic about the process of European integration may point to the new EU treaty that is also known as the “European Constitution” as a positive achievement. Besides trying to settle the institutional questions of the enlarged Union for a longer period of time, it represents an attempt to transform and strengthen the Union as an international actor.
The reform of the Albanian Armed Forces began in 1991, together with the transformation of Albanian society from a centralized planed economy to a market-oriented one with respect for rule of law and democratic values. The reform of the armed forces is a complex process that is complicated even more by the ways that national interests are defined in the post-Cold War era since, in addition to the multi-polar environment, nations are facing an advanced stage of the globalization of relationships among states and societies. At the present time, as Marco Carnovale states, “vital security interests are no longer national interests, and national security interests are no longer vital.”1 Vital national interests are challenged by a wide range of problems that go beyond the traditional military concerns that have almost become anachronistic in the face of terrorism, migration, civil unrest, resurgent nationalistic splits, and further escalations of tensions across borders, including economic and environmental problems.
The violence that erupted in Kosovo in mid-March after a brief period of general stability is a stark reminder that much remains to be done before perpetual security in the region becomes a de facto reality. Unfortunately, there is a real lack of ideas on what to do next on the part of the international community. The recent proposal from Belgrade - the so-called Belgrade Plan-has only intensified what now is a headless race towards a solution. The problem is two-fold: on the one hand, the international community is moving in the direction of decentralization, particularly along ethnic lines, while on the other hand no one is considering the economic and social impact this will have on a system which is already burdened by massive economic, social, democratic, and educational poverty, and basically on the verge of total collapse.
Based on recent political events and an analysis of a range of articles by German experts in the field of global politics, this essay will define the main preconditions for the deterioration of American-German relations in the early 2000s. From there, it will go on to outline the most probable scenarios for the further developments in the political interaction of these nations.
Many commentators perceive that international conflict has increased since the end of the Cold War and that globalization shares much of the blame. Stanley Hoffmann, for example, has written, “Globalization, far from spreading peace, ... seems to foster conflicts and resentments.”1 Many others share this view-they believe that conflict is increasing, and that since globalization is also increasing, then it must be to blame. Hoffmann argues, “The spread of global media makes it possible for the most deprived or oppressed to compare their fate with that of the free and well-off.” The dispossessed thus make common cause with others similarly disadvantaged with whom they share common grievances, ethnic backgrounds, or religious affiliation. A sense of hopelessness compels them “to seek revenge and self-esteem in terrorism.”
In countries making the transition to democracy, the question of which groups will contest the elections is one of the most pressing. Should radical or religious parties be excluded from taking part in national elections? Specifically, how will Islamist groups act in democratic societies?
After September 11, 2001, the West and its allies have responded to Islamist terrorism with the global war on terror. Since then, much success has been achieved, as many of Al-Qaeda’s leaders have been killed or detained, and its structures and networks, as well as those of other terrorist organizations, have been destroyed. However, in spite of this multitude of efforts, no considerable victory over global Islamist terrorism has yet been achieved.
Iraq possesses a great and glorious civilization, dating back for several thousand years, but it abounds in contrasts and contradictions. Hammurabi’s code of laws and Haroun al-Rashid’s patronage of letters and the arts contrast painfully with the chaos in Baghdad today, as Iraq emerges from the wreckage of Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship, endures the presence of foreign troops, and struggles toward self-rule. So, too, does the misbehavior of a few American soldiers in Iraq clash sharply with American ideals of human rights, respect for the Geneva Conventions, and military discipline. In the opinion of one Canadian journalist, “The defining image of the Iraq war will probably be Pvt. Lynndie England in a corridor in Abu Ghraib prison, holding a leash attached to a naked Iraqi man lying on the floor.” Hundreds of other images flashed across the Internet in April and May of 2004, taking American leaders by surprise and shocking world opinion.
The problem of how to deal with prisoners of war is not a new one; even the Old Testament calls for humane treatment of those captured in the course of armed conflict.1 The issue has assumed significant contemporary relevance as a result of developments in Iraq and Afghanistan. Rights of prisoners/detainees during armed conflict is governed by the Law of Armed Conflict (formerly referred to as the Laws of War), or what is probably better known today as International Humanitarian Law. There is an obligation on all states and armed forces to ensure that international humanitarian law is upheld. This involves a responsibility to disseminate information and educate populations, but especially members of armed forces, regarding the principles of international humanitarian law. This branch of international law has always come under pressure during armed conflict, and the current conflicts taking place in Iraq and Afghanistan are no exception.
Turkey’s strategic position as a country located between Orient and Occident, situated on the emerging route between East and West, has been among the most significant factors highlighted by the extensive research literature focusing on the country’s intention to join the European Union. In this context, of course, Turkey’s strategic importance for the West is also pointed out-the country’s status as the “Western fortress” in the Middle East, a region shaken by constant disturbances. The term “security” not only includes military and economic components, but, increasingly, also a secure supply of essential resources of energy. This essay will focus on this final aspect.