CIAO DATE: 06/2010
Volume: 6, Issue: 24
Winter 2010
Turkey's Nuclear Agenda: Domestic and Regional Implications (PDF)
Gökhan Bacık, Sammas Salur
Th e article studies the nuclear agenda of Turkey from two grounds: material and non-material. Both bases are discussed at length regarding Turkey’s position in international policy at regional position and domestic level. Turkey’s changing policy at home and abroad are analyzed over a sensitive issue, the nuclear, to grasp whether it would be annoying a nuclear gone state with negative aspirations or a state successful for combining its nuclear need with its liberal agenda in the region and at home. Methodologically, the issues are discussed over ‘the norms model’. In order to anatomize the Turkey’s changing role in the region the new institutional approaches of Turkey to neighboring countries are handled. Referring relations with her neighbors the materialistic grounds of the nuclear- rather than an identity matter- are explored especially addressing Turkey’s energy hunger and its need of stability in regional setting.
Eleştirel Gerçekçilik: Uluslararası İlişkiler Kuramında Post-Pozitivizm Sonrası Aşama (PDF)
Faruk Yalvaç
Critical Realism: Post-Positivist Stage in International Relations Theory
Critical realism is a philosophy of science that is increasingly occupying the center of discussion in the theory of International Relations. Th e most important aspect of critical realism is that it shifts the focus of controversy in international relations from epistemology to ontology. According to the materialist ontology of critical realism there exists a reality independent of our observations and experiences. Th is is an alternative to the dominant positivist as well as post-positivist conceptions of science which associate reality either with what can be observed or with what can be said and thought in discourse. Critical realism provides an understanding of science that overcomes the diffi culties of both and explains international relations as part of a totality of social relations with varying ontological depths. By defi ning structures in terms of social relations, critical realism presents a structural analysis of international relations diff erent from the structuralism of neorealism and develops a transformational model of social activity which tries to avoid both the voluntarism of individualist/unit based analyses and the determinism of structuralist analyses.
Terörün Sosyolojisi: Toplumsal Kökenleri Anlama İmkânı (PDF)
Talip Küçükcan
Sociology of Terrorism: A Key to Understanding Social Origins?
Organized violence and terrorist attacks with global connections and transnational implications not only contribute to the deterioration of regional and international relations but also tend to locate and confi ne international relations analysis to the axis of securitization. Much of the studies on collective violence and terrorism focus on security aspects of such acts but fail to address social roots of confl icts adequately. Th is article seeks to draw attention to the signifi cance of sociological analysis of acts of terrorism in light of recent scholarship. It argues that without a thorough analysis of social contexts of such acts, fi ghting terrorism and violence will not be eff ective and international relations will deteriorate further. Th erefore the article concludes that a ‘sociology of terrorism’ based on interdisciplinary method and approach will complement international relations theory and provide rational grounds to take eff ective policy measures against acts of terror.
A Theoretical Evaluation of Different Faces of Power: US-Turkey Relations Towards Iraq (PDF)
Ahmet Sözen
Th is paper focuses on the use of diff erent forms of power by a (leader/patron/hegemonic) state to get the other (non-leader/client) states to cooperate with its policies. Most of the literature on cooperation operates on the level of bargaining power where the policy changes are directly visible. Th is article aims to show how the bargaining power model is not adequate in capturing the complete picture of the relationship between Turkey (a non-leader/client state) and the United States (leader/patron state) in their cooperation with regard to Iraq during the Gulf Crisis (1990) and the War against Iraq (2003). Hence, I attempt to show that the three levels of power as discussed by Krause is a better and more comprehensive framework for understanding and explaining the power relationship between Turkey and the US.
An Analysis of the Headscarf Issue in Feminist Debates in Germany (PDF)
Berrin Koyuncu Lorasdağı, Hilal Onur İnce
Th is study intends to be a discussion of the headscarf issue in the German context. Germany stands as a peculiar case with its return to its historical background as a culture-oriented nation after the Second World War. In this article, it is contended that this orientation evinces itself in the feminist debates on the headscarf aff air in Germany. Th us the aim here is to reveal that in the 2000s both in pro and contra-headscarf feminist debates, the headscarf issue, in the specifi c case of Germany, is restricted to be understood as a cultural matter.
Nükleer Enerji Sahibi Olma Kararını Etkileyen Faktörler ve Türkiye için Tahminler (PDF)
Bülent Köksal, Abdülkadir Civan
Factors that Affect the Decision of Having Nuclear Energy and Predictions for Turkey
Using data for 67 countries for the period 1980-2005, we analyze to what extent do the decisions of having nuclear power and the share of nuclear energy in total energy use depend on economic, political, social and geographic factors. Our econometric model that takes the selectivity problems of the sample into consideration reveals a positive relationship between per capita real income and the probability of selecting to have nuclear power. Th is relationship, however, weakens as the level of income further increases. We also fi nd that, the probability of opting for nuclear power continuously increases for Turkey starting from 1990s and becomes approximately 45 per cent by 2007. When we use the new GDP series of Turkish Statistical Institute in our estimations, the estimated probability of selection of nuclear energy for Turkey increases to approximately 60 per cent. Finally, we fi nd that if Turkey had a nuclear power generator today, the share of nuclear energy in total energy would be approximately between 14 to 16 per cent.
European Governance and Damovracy: Power and Protest in the EU Richard Balme and Didier Chabanet (PDF)
Ahmet Arabaci
Diplomasi ve Göç: Türk-Yunan Mübadelesinin Öteki Yüzü Onur YILDIRIM (PDF)
Duygu ÖZTÜRK1