CIAO DATE: 05/2011
Volume: 9, Issue: 4
Winter 2010
Almas Heshmati, Arno Tausch
The current paper investigates the cross-national relevance of Latin American ‘dependencia theory’ for five dimensions of development (democracy and human rights, environment, human development and basic human needs satisfaction, gender justice, redistribution, growth and employment) on a global scale and tries to confront the very basic pro-globalist assumptions of the ‘Lisbon process’, the predecessor of the ongoing EU-2020 strategy, which was the policy target of the European leaders since the EU’s Lisbon Council meeting in March 2000 to make Europe the leading knowledge-based economy in the world with a ‘Latin American perspective’. A realistic and politically useful analysis of the ‘Lisbon process’ has to be a ‘Schumpeterian’ approach. First, we analyze the ‘Lisbon performance’ of the world economy by multivariate, quantitative means, looking into the possible contradictions that might exists between the dependent insertion into the global economy and other goals of the ‘Lisbon process’. Dependency from the large, transnational corporations, as correctly predicted by Latin American social science of the 1960s and 1970s, emerges as one of the most serious development blockades, confronting Europe. Secondly, we analyze European regional performance since the 1990s in order to know whether growth and development in Europe spread evenly among the different regions of the continent. It emerges that dependency from the large transnational corporations is incompatible with a balanced, regional development. Finally, we discuss cross-national and historical lessons learned from the views of dependency and Schumpeterian perspectives for current policy-making in Europe, and opt for an industrial policy approach in the tradition of former EU-Commission President (1985-1995) Jacques Delors.
Zeynep Arikanli
This article aims to study the British modalities of managing Kurdish nationalism
in the vilayet1 of Mosul in the 1918-1926 period, when both Kurdish nationalism
and Iraqi state-building were in their formative (if not infancy) period. There are
two inter-dependent arguments: First, the new British policies of the post-WWI
period were also in their formative period, since they were being formed through
the issue of a geo-political and frontier re-structuring necessitated by the new
international order. Second, Kurdish nationalism in the Mosul province evolved in
the prism of the British policies, constituting both a trump card for and a challenge
to the Kurdish population. This duality, I will argue, became the main
characteristic of Kurdish nationalism in the future configurations in Iraq in
particular, and in the Middle East, in general. This duality was the direct outcome
of the British policies in the post-WWI period, which were stamped with a
considerable polyarchy and tergiversations, due both to the uncertainties generated by the post-WWI period, the necessity of adapting to the new principles of the
international order and inter-departmental competition. These polyarchy and
tergiversations became manifest in the Iraqi state-building process, especially
before the settlement of the Mosul question, the old Ottoman province with a
substantial Kurdish population. In other words, it was in the vilayet of Mosul
during this period (1918-1926) that the re-structuring of the British policies in the
post-WWI era was crystallized -with all their ups-and-downs.
Security Debates and Alliance against Terrorism (PDF)
Ramazan Erdag
This article searches the answer that how security could be defined, what the new security studies are and what can be done against global terrorism and how can be assured peace and stability condition? In this context, with new security disputes and perspectives it can be said that security is not an alone issue, it’s a collective study and mostly claimed as dilemma. It also can be said that in the new era more international collaboration and alliance are need to supply international security. In this regard this article expounds global alliances’ effectiveness -especially NATOfor global security.
Public Perceptions and Reactions : Gauging African Views of China in Africa (PDF)
Max Rebol
While economic and political ties between China and Africa have grown substantially in the last years, our understanding of African perceptions of China is still limited. Those pieces of cross country survey data which are available draw a positive picture of African perceptions of China but surveys are not comprehensive and only consider various African countries as a whole. Starting from here, this paper looks into how opinions on China form in different parts of African society, using case studies from unions, political elites and civil society. It comes to the conclusion that trade has an overall bigger impact on popular perceptions of China than FDI, which has been the focus of much literature. While a rising trade deficit has an overall negative impact on perceptions of China, increased Chinese trade is perceived positive by consumers that get more competitive prices and small scale vendors. Civil society organizations in Africa sometimes show critical opinions but are also increasingly engaged by China. Western Media generally tends to portrait China’s relations with Africa in a more negative way, than it is perceived by most Africans. Several studies confirm that Africa is the continent that on average holds the most positive views on China.
Zimbabwe-Russia Relations in the 21st Century (PDF)
Percyslage Chigora, Dorothy Goredema
The 21st century has witnessed the intensification of relations between Zimbabwe
and the East and other favorable states, Russia among them. Historically under the
socialist rhetoric the two countries shared a common political ideology. Zimbabwe-
Russia relations dates back to the era of the liberation struggle. The Soviet Union
aided Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe People's Union and later the Patriotic Front
which included Mugabe's Zimbabwe National African Union. The Soviet Union
aided the Patriotic Front freedom fighters with training, material and logistical
support. After Zimbabwe's independence in 1981, diplomatic relations between
Russia and Zimbabwe were efficiently established. These relations were
interrupted in 1989 with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia maintained her
ties with Zimbabwe during this interruption but all the same the relations were
non-eventful. The inception of the 21st century witnessed the revival intensification
of relations between the two states. Russia's ties with Zimbabwe were re awakened
following the invasion of Iraq by the US led coalition of the willing in March 2003
which coincided with the unprecedented pressure on Zimbabwe following the 2002
elections. The revival of these relations is depicted by trade agreements signed
between the two states, actions of government officials concerned, in the
diplomatic and academic circles as well as by the media reports. The aim of this
paper is to highlight how common ideology, foreign policy principles and objectives and commonality of interests between the two states have led to cooperation.
Issues characterizing the revival and intensification of relations between
the two states will be highlighted and these will provide the appropriate framework
upon which the relations between Zimbabwe and Russia could be understood. The
paper brings to evidence that the revival of relations between the two states is
partly driven by the deterioration of relations between Zimbabwe and the West.
Convergence of State Policy Analyses in the Context of Globalization : An Application of the 'Herbert Kitschelt' Model
Alex Igho Ovie-D'Leone
The effects or indeed impacts of ongoing globalization have been quite fundamental in all facets of human endeavours. The world has become closely more interconnected, interdependent within the context of a global village. Consequently, sovereign national borders have been increasingly breached with impunity and in alarming frequencies by events occurring in very remote locations across the world. There are now obvious constraints on the manner states have to make and formulate their policy decisions, knowing fully well that they could almost invariably affect trends in far flung locations worldwide. Viewed then against this backdrop, it is obvious that the borderline that traditionally separates domestic from foreign policies now also appear blurred increasingly by such intervening influences of globalization. If we then take this position as given, there appears to be an urgent need to rethink the basic theoretical props utilized over time in analyzing government policies generally. The intention here is to devise a common analytical model that could be readily applicable to both domestic and foreign policies. This paper examines critically the so-called ‘Kitschelt Model’ and submits that, as an analytical frame, and under the intervening influences of ongoing globalization, there is a veritable basis now to analyze almost any government policy whether they are oriented towards the domestic or foreign context from a central point of convergence.