CIAO DATE: 08/2009
Volume: 9, Issue: 2
May 2009
Russian perceptions and policies in a multipolar East Asia under Yeltsin and Putin (PDF)
Paradorn Rangsimaporn
While the desire to counterbalance US unilateralism informed Russian perceptions and advocacy of multipolarity globally, the complex and fluid balance of power in a multipolar East Asia complicates Russian perceptions and policies of multipolarity regionally and counterbalancing US power became not the sole goal. Russia’s aim in East Asia was to reassert its influence while ensuring a stable regional environment in order for Russia to restore itself as a great power. However, the relatively stabilizing US regional role, the rise of neighboring China, the prospects of Japanese remilitarization and strengthened US–Japanese military alliance, and the lack of a Northeast Asian security structure are factors that pose both challenges and opportunities for Russian policymakers in pursuing Russian interests and great-power aims. Such factors have served to make Russian perceptions and policy in East Asia somewhat contradictory. While Russia’s great-power aspiration was relatively clear, the policies to achieve this remained vague and inconclusive.
Peter Hays Gries, Qingmin Zhang, Yasuki Masui, Yong Wook Lee
Historical controversies continue to plague northeast Asian politics
today, with Chinese and Koreans protesting Japanese history textbooks
and Japanese politicians' visits to Yasukuni Shrine, and Koreans protesting
Chinese claims that the ancient Kingdom of Goguryo was Chinese,
not Korean. Yet, there is little empirical research exploring what, if any,
impact historical beliefs have on threat perception and foreign policy
preferences in northeast Asia today. On the basis of surveys of Chinese,
Japanese, and South Korean university students, this paper explores the relationships among beliefs about the past, perceived threat in the
present, and foreign policy preferences for the future. Results and their
implications for northeast Asian security are discussed.
Ulises Granados
In 1946, the Philippines raised claims in the South China Sea over an area already known as Spratly Islands. This claim advanced through peculiar stages, starting when Thomas Cloma allegedly discovered islands in 1946, later named as Freedomland, and maturing to some extent in 1978 by the government’s claim over the so-called Kalayaan Island Group. Considered as an oceanic expansion of its frontiers, this paper reviews the basis of the claim, first over the nature of Cloma’s activities, and secondly over the measures the Philippine government took as a reaction of Cloma’s claim of discovery of an area already known in western cartography as the Spratlys. Eventually, what is the nature of the link between the 1978 Kalayaan Islands Group’s official claim and 1956 Cloma’s private one?
David M. Potter, Douglas Van Belle
This paper examines news coverage of overseas natural disasters in Japan and the United States and assesses the extent to which that coverage affects amounts and types of emergency assistance provided by each country’s ODA program. The comparison between the two cases allows for the examination of the different effects of media on foreign policy as well as the different ways in which those effects are filtered through institutional arrangements within the aid policy-making apparatus in each country. Following up comparative work on media impact on development aid programs in five countries, this paper argues that the organization of emergency assistance programs is a key determinant in explaining media impact on aid policy.
Takafumi Suzuki
This study applies content analysis to Japanese prime ministers’ Diet addresses in order to examine the Japanese government’s perception of the world after World War II. Since the end of the Cold War, many scholars have revealed more strategic and proactive aspects of Japanese foreign policy by investigating broader issues or longer time periods. Methodologically, these studies as well as conventional studies derive the character of Japanese foreign policy mainly from an examination of documentary sources or case studies, thus further empirical evidence can help these discussions. By investigating the long-term perception focussing on North-South issues as well as East-West issues, we show that there are aspects of Japanese foreign policy with an individual
Hiroshi Kaihara
This article discusses the political thoughts of conservatives. What makes their thoughts distinctive is their understanding of the state of the nation: the Japanese people are degenerating. Especially they worry about the youth. Horrendous juvenile crimes, bad manners, school bullying, and declining academic capabilities force them to paint Japan’s future gloomily. Conservatives believe that the taproot of these social problems is a lack of morality: they have lost the will to tell what is right or wrong. They believe that morality is possible only when people embrace tradition and history. However, the Japanese cannot have pride in their history and country because of public discourse propagated by America’s occupation policies and leftist ideologies. They also believe that public schools must concern not only on students’ knowledge but also on their moral characters, such as the will to live. To raise pupils and students with moral characters, family must get involved along with schools.
Money Orders: Ambiguous Economics, and Ubiquitous Politics (PDF)
Saori N. Katada
Mireya Solís