CIAO DATE: 09/2014
Volume: 51, Issue: 4
July 2014
The existence and use of 'evil' in international politics (PDF)
Anna Geis, Christopher Hobson
There is an extensive literature on acts, events and people in international politics that may be described as ‘evil’, but much less work specifically focusing on how this idea operates and is used in an international context. This has begun to change recently, however, as a result of leading international figures – most notably George W. Bush – using the term prominently. This special issue seeks to further advance scholarship on these issues by moving beyond purely philosophical accounts on the nature of evil, and considering: how it has been used to frame the identities of actors in international relations (IR); whether it works to enable or preclude specific kinds of behaviour; and what role it plays as part of our moral and political vocabulary. This introduction provides a brief survey of the literature on evil in IR, and gives an overview of the contributions to the special issue.
Systemic evil and the international political imagination (PDF)
Patrick Hayden
In light of the persistence of discourses of atrocity in the post-Holocaust era, and with the resurgence of talk of evil that followed 11 September 2001, it is clear that the idea of evil still possesses a powerful hold upon the modern imagination. Yet, the interplay of evil and the political imagination – in particular, how different images of evil have shaped the discourses and practices of international politics – remains neglected. This article suggests that evil is depicted through three contending images within international politics – evil as individualistic, as statist and as systemic – and their corresponding forms of collective imagination – the juridical, the humanitarian and the political. It argues further that the dominance of the juridical and, to a lesser extent, the humanitarian imagination obscures our ability to imagine and respond to political evils of structural or systemic violence. Drawing on the example of global poverty, this article contends that the ability to portray and critically judge systemic evils in international politics today depends upon enriching our narratives about indefensible atrocities and reimagining our shared political responsibilities for them.
Beyond good and evil: Ethics in a world of complexity
David Chandler
This article seeks to analyse the shift away from the moral certainties of the Cold War epoch and of humanitarian interventions in the 1990s, to suggest that ‘evil’ plays a very different role in politics and international relations today. In current constructions of the world – as much more global, complex and non-linear – the past certainties of liberal internationalism appear to be a symptom of problematic moral hubris. Rather than the transcendental moral certainties of good and evil, globalization and complexity seem to suggest a more immanent perspective of emergent causality, eliciting a reflexive ethics of continual work on ‘good’ public modes of being. In which case, ‘evil’ is no longer considered to be an exception but becomes normalized as an ethical learning resource. The 2011 case of the mass killings by Norwegian Anders Breivik will be highlighted as an example of this process. This article suggests that this ‘democratization’ of evil is problematic in articulating evil as a revealed or emergent truth in the world that requires social and personal self-reflexivity, thereby suborning moral choice to onto-ethical necessity.
The good, the bad, and the ugly: Comparing the notions of 'rogue' and 'evil' in international politics
Anna Geis, Carmen Wunderlich
The identification and naming of an ‘enemy’ is an age-old element within foreign policy and (domestic) security policy discourses. It serves to stabilize speakers’ benign conceptions of the self, to structure threat perceptions of ‘the world outside’ and to legitimate ultimately violent policy options. This article compares the notions of ‘rogue’ and ‘evil’ in order to analyse the political implications of such a use of derogative actor categories. The notion of ‘rogue states’ has played an important role in the security strategies of the US presidents Clinton and in particular George W. Bush and alludes to criminal law. ‘Evil’ has been a much older, religiously loaded concept and has been invoked in politics for describing the inconceivable, monstrous violence and destruction. While many liberal critics argue that one should abandon the metaphysical category of evil and dispose of the stigmatizing category of the ‘rogue’, this article concludes with the suggestion that a self-reflexive use of these categories can be instructive: It can make ‘us’ – the very modern secular liberals – think about ourselves, about responsibility and moral standards as well as about the fundamental ambivalence of our actions.
Evilization in liberal discourse: From Kant's 'unjust enemy' to today's 'rogue state'
Harald Muller
Liberal discourse should have a hard time looking for ‘evil’ in international relations. Standing on the pillar of rationalism and humanitarianism, there seems to be little space for the morally and emotionally charged notion of evil to enter considerations. Yet, the liberal belief in the freedom of will implies that humans are capable of turning against the advice of reason and opt for evil behavior and underlying principles. This possibility is epitomized by Kant’s construction of the ‘evil enemy’. Since ‘evil’ appears sporadically in international relations, with Hitler’s Germany as prototype, its existence in the real world of international relations cannot be ruled out a priori. Designating an ‘other’ as evil is thus a discursive possibility. The practice to turn this possibility into reality is conceptualized here as ‘evilization’ in analogy to ‘securitization’. There is strong variance among liberal democracies in applying this practice, ranging from ‘pacifism’ to ‘militancy’, which often leads to dire consequences. Deriving the principles of fallibility and prudence from liberal reasoning, this article concludes with the proposition that ‘liberal pacifism’ is the preferable option in most conceivable circumstances, but that the possibility of confronting political evil is rare, but existing.
Appointing evil in international relations
Mona K. Sheikh
This article examines how evil has been conceptualised in the discipline of international relations and contributes to a body of critical literature that treats evil as a legitimacy bestowing label. By drawing on securitisation theory, it suggests developing a performative approach to evil as an alternative to descriptive and normative approaches. It is argued that such an approach would not only be valuable for understanding the effects of naming and grading evil, but also fulfils three additional functions. First, it facilitates a shift away from applying intention as the primary measure for determining matters of guilt and condemnation. Second, it challenges the privileged position of the powerful when appointing particular phenomena/adversaries as evil. Finally, it provides an analytical starting point for understanding conflict constellations where different parameters of legitimacy seem to clash. This last function requires particular sensitivity towards the audience and the cultural context of ‘evilising’ moves.
Collective evil and individual pathology: The depoliticization of violence against Afghan civilians
Harmonie Toros, Luca Mavelli
This article explores how the violence against Afghan civilians carried out by the Taliban and US ‘rogue’ soldiers has been accounted for as the product of, respectively, collective evil and individual pathology. These two seemingly contending explanations, it is argued, are part of the same strategy of depoliticization, which aims to provide support and legitimacy for the US-led war in Afghanistan. The article discusses how the genealogy of the discourse of collective evil surrounding the Taliban can be traced to an Orientalist political theodicy, which frames the Taliban as ‘children of a lesser God’ – that is, as fanatical puppets at the mercy of a violent God – and how the discourse of individual pathology surrounding the unsanctioned violence of US soldiers is instrumental to exempt military and civilian leadership from collusion and responsibility. The article challenges this latter narrative of individual blame by discussing how killing, torture and desecration of bodies are at the heart of warfare. Hence, it is concluded, the language of collective evil and individual pathology are part of the same strategy of depoliticization, which aims to silence political contestation and conceal the dehumanizing aspect of war, its structural production of violence, and the complex and dispersed nature of responsibility.
Challenging 'evil': Continuity and change in the drug prohibition regime
Christopher Hobson
The 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs is unique among UN conventions for the appearance of the term ‘evil’ in the document. Among all the possible wrongdoing and bad things that exist in the world, it is slightly counterintuitive that drugs are the only one to be labelled as ‘evil’ in international law. Adopting a ‘conceptual politics’ approach, the article will examine how drugs came to be identified in this manner, with a specific focus on the drafting of the 1961 Single Convention. The latter part of the article focuses on the contemporary relevance of this framing, considering how it contributes towards a much more restrictive environment in which serious change to the drug prohibition regime has proven to be a very difficult task. For those seeking reform it is not enough to demonstrate that the system does not work, they also must successfully challenge the idea of drugs as something evil and a threat to humanity. In concluding it is suggested that by returning to the Single Convention, one finds not only the language of ‘evil’, but also a more flexible position that allowed for revising the way drugs are dealt with. To bring about change in drugs prohibition regime, reformers will need to recover this more open and balanced approach to understanding drugs.
Conceptual relics, mutual assured evilness and the struggle over Israeli public commonsense
Piki Ish-Shalom
Iran’s imminent rise to nuclear power status raises reasonable fears about the Middle East stability. Having examined the discursive exchange of Mutual Assured Evilness (MAE) by Iran and Israel, some political commentators and decision makers express doubts over the workability of nuclear stability. That is because they question whether these countries can overcome their mutual hatred and find the requisite instrumental rationality for nuclear stability. Their fears are exacerbated when they regard Iran as a religious country and hence supposedly incapable of rational behavior. However, the discourse of evil is not only indicative of hatred. Evil it seems is a conceptual relic encased in religious metaphysics. It is a datum that enables us to expose the religious layers that exist alongside secularism. Israel’s hyperbolic use of the term evil resonates as strongly as it does because of the religious metaphysics that coexists with Israel’s supposedly secular belief system. Therefore, in some ways, Israeli society may be closer to Iranian society than Israelis generally allow themselves to believe and all the while the two societies are locked in a dance of hatred and fear, fueled, among other things, by MAE.