CIAO DATE: 01/2011
Volume: 4, Issue: 4
Autumn 2010
"Traditional Gap" in the ICJ's Advisory Opinion on Kosovo (PDF)
Mushfig Mammadov
On February 17, 2008 Kosovo, hitherto the internationally recognized territory of Serbia, unilaterally declared its independence. Three of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council (the USA, UK and France) immediately recognized the independence of Kosovo, while the other two, Russia and China, sharply criticized Kosovo’s step and have thus far refused to recognize Kosovo as an independent state. In October 2008 the UN General Assembly requested the International Court of Justice (ICJ), upon the initiative of Serbia, to render an advisory opinion with regard to whether the unilateral declaration of independence adopted by the provisional institutions of Kosovo was in accordance with international law. In its non-binding advisory opinion, delivered on July 22, 2010 the Court stated that the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo did not violate international law. Nonetheless, this conclusion is not so clear and simple as it at first might seem, nor so “dangerous”, as it was described in the media and in some reactions, especially upon a closer reading of the entire text of the advisory opinion.
Peace-Building from the Bottom: A Case Study of the North Caucasu (PDF)
Huseyn Aliyev
This article provides a brief overview of bottom-up peace-building and its practice in the North Caucasus. The hypothesis developed in this study is an assumption that the conflict in North Caucasus starts at the community, or grass-roots, level. Therefore, peaceful resolutions to conflict should be sought by implementing a local, bottom-up type of peace-building. Such peace-building measures, in turn, require the active participation of civil society and, in particular, independent and functional local and international NGOs.
EU and Turkish Neighborhood Policies: Common Goals (PDF)
Çigdem Üstün
Turkey and the European Union (EU) share the same neighborhood in the Mediterranean, Middle East, the Black Sea, and the Caucasus regions, with the same objectives of creating a ring of friends, minimizing threats to their social, political, economic, and energy interests, and ensuring stability. This paper aims to explain the relations of Turkey and the EU with the shared neighborhood countries; to analyze the compatibility of Turkish and EU neighborhood policies; and to demonstrate the need for these two actors to work together in order to achieve credible results in their neighborhood policies. I argue that coordinated Turkish and EU neighborhood policies may bring better results than individualistic approaches, bringing the credibility that the EU needs the most in these regions as well as opening channels of communication in a constructive manner. This relationship is believed to be mutually beneficial as long as Turkey and the EU both maximize their capabilities in these regions.
Nelli Babayan
Despite its alleged inconsistency, the foreign policy of the European Union was successful with the enlargements of 2004 and 2007. The enlargements resulted in an increased number of EU members with important votes in qualified majority voting (QMV) and crucial influence over the unanimous decision-making. Meanwhile, the Lisbon Treaty is meant to foster greater cooperation among the member-states and make the EU speak with one voice in terms of foreign policy. This article analyses the political and institutional dynamics in the EU foreign policy decision-making process after the enlargements and in the wake of the Lisbon Treaty. Focusing on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), the article tracks the dynamics in the CFSP evolution and identifies the potential impact the Lisbon Treaty may have on the consistency and coherence of EU foreign policy. The findings show that contrary to predictions the enlargements did not have negative effects on the institutional or political dynamics of the CFSP. However, the Lisbon Treaty, by introducing new institutions and responsibilities as part of creating more efficient institutional framework, has instead created confusion and institutional competition.
Milana V. Nikolko, David B. Carment
This article analyses social capital in Ukraine, using the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (ARC) as a case study. To understand how a multiethnic society like Crimea can build and strengthen social capital in the face of economic and political challenges, we focus on the relationship between global, regional and local politics; the subsequent impact on people’s work and private lives; and the actions which can be undertaken by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), international organizations and the state in order to avoid the detrimental trends the region is currently experiencing. Regarding social capital, Ukraine provides an enigmatic example as the country has myriad civil society actors who should, theoretically, constitute the cornerstone of social capital formation and interethnic cooperation. Our findings suggest, however, that there is still a long way to go before trust and shared values become a basis for political and economic growth in Ukraine. An integral element for improving public trust in Ukraine, specifically in Crimea, can be found by examining the impact of global and regional processes on interethnic cooperation within local groups, their specific initiatives and the ways in which they have developed mechanisms for avoiding unresolved conflict.