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U.S. Foreign Policy in the Periphery: A 50-Year Retrospective

Michael J. Sullivan

Drexel University

International Studies Association
41st Annual Convention
Los Angeles, CA
March 14-18, 2000


This paper is part of a larger study entitled Foreign Policy in the Periphery: American Adventurism in the Third World, a book-length project in which are analyzed 30 US political-military interventions into developing countries between the late 1940s and the late 1990s—from the Truman Doctrine of containing communism in Greece to Clinton’s "humanitarian" intervention in Kosovo (see Table of Contents on next page (2)).

Six cases are studied during the early years 1945-60 (including Greece, Iran, and Guatemala); 14 cases are investigated during the "extremist" period 1961-76 (including the Congo, Cuba, Cambodia and Chile); and 10 cases during the contemporary era 1981-present (including Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Haiti, and Yugoslavia).

This paper outlines the major thesis of the larger work; viz., that US foreign policy during the Cold War was not primarily about keeping the USSR out of Western Europe, but rather about promoting the global capitalist system on a worldwide stage. America’s motivation of being the world’s economic hegemon preceded the Cold War, and its desire to continue in this role in today’s post-Cold War era of globalization makes this thesis of continuing relevance.

Three themes—strategic, economic, ideological—are introduced in support of this argument, and applied to the 30 case studies. They lead to the conclusion that in many of these interventions the US opposed leftist Third World personalities by supporting more right-wing local clients rather than centrists who were often available. These decisions almost always proved disastrous for the local societies affected, and often even were unfortunate for longer-term American diplomatic interests. Finally, a number of lesser patterns and sub-themes—relating to the methods, personalities, and domestic politics involved in carrying out this foreign policy—are also discussed.

1. Thesis, Rationale, Methodology

American foreign policy since 1945 has primarily been driven by the goal of being hegemon of the world capitalist economic system. As protector of global capitalism, the United States has replaced the United Kingdom which played this role for more than a century before World War II. Although the 1947-91 Cold War presented an easy-to-understand threat to this objective, US diplomacy in these years was not primarily about keeping the USSR out of Western Europe (the usual explanation for containment), but rather about projecting its own power, globally. It was not about making the world safe for democracy, but about being the leader of the capitalist world, upholder of the international economic system.

This motivation, which was latent in US policy toward Latin America before the Cold War, has continued on a worldwide stage in the post-Cold War era of globalization. It is for this reason that today’s generation of American students can learn from the history to be described here. The 30 US political-military interventions into developing countries between 1945/49 and 1995/99 covered in this work foreshadow likely forms of involvement in the future, especially when aggressive multilateralism and economic instruments of control (like those applied against Iraq and Yugoslavia in the 1990s) fail.

The time frame for this study is roughly the 50-year period from the Truman Doctrine of containing communism in Greece to Clinton’s "humanitarian" intervention in Kosovo. The special concern of this narrative is with relatively low-level violent interventions (both military and covert), and only secondarily on major wars (like Korea and Vietnam) or more peaceable diplomatic or economic interjections (Blechman and Kaplan, 1978; Blum, 1995; Gilbert and Joris, 1981; Treverton, 1987). The 30 cases chosen for further analysis are drawn from 10 presidencies. Six studies are taken from the early Cold War years 1945-60 (including Greece, Iran, and Guatemala); 14 cases are investigated from the "extremist" period 1961-76 (including the Congo, Cuba, Cambodia and Chile); and 10 cases from the contemporary era 1981-present (including Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Haiti, and Yugoslavia). (See, on previous page, the Table of Contents for Foreign Policy in the Periphery: American Adventurism in the Third World, the larger study upon which this paper is based.)

This work divides the world into five geographic regions on the periphery of the global political arena (Sullivan, 1996: 6-10). (It does not focus upon the heart of the Cold War in central Europe, or its attendant concerns about nuclear weapons.) Two regions are the historic areas of America’s pre-World War II "manifest destiny": the Western Hemisphere and eastern Asia. Eleven cases—Guatemala, Cuba, Guyana, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Grenada, Panama, and Haiti—are drawn from Latin America and the Caribbean, the traditional sphere of US capitalist penetration since 1823. Seven studies—China, Laos, South Vietnam, Indonesia, Cambodia, Australia, East Timor—are from east Asia, a continent harder to dominate for obvious geographic and demographic reasons, and the site of the two major wars (Korea and Vietnam) which will not be covered here.

Three other regions will be identified as areas where the United States has in the years since 1945 replaced European imperialism as the dominant power: the Middle East, Africa, and the Mediterranean. Six cases—Iran, the Fertile Crescent from Egypt to Syria, Kurdistan, Libya, Afghanistan, and Iraq— are drawn from the "Middle Eastern" Islamic world, the first area after World War II from which British-French influence was supplanted. Three studies—Congo, Angola, Somalia—are from Africa, a continent conceded to Europe during the first 30 years after decolonization but where the US has shown greater attention since the end of the Cold War. The final three examples—Italy, Greece, and Yugoslavia—are drawn from southern Europe, countries on the periphery of the continent which forms the core of the global capitalist system.

In addition to these historical and geographic parameters, this study will employ the political science models of the rational actor and bureaucratic politics (Allison, 1971; Halperin, 1974). It will treat the United States as a unitary player on the world stage, reflecting the wishes of two domestic political interest groups—the capitalist class and ethnic minorities—and their counterparts in the foreign affairs bureaucracy and in the political arena. Capitalist interests are seen in the desires of corporations for the National Security State imperative of high military ("defense") budgets (Barnet, 1994; Cooling, 1977), even in the absence of any credible threat to the American homeland or, since the end of the Cold War, to the core of the capitalist economic system (Farrell, 1996; Gottlieb, 1996; Kaufman, 1990). Ethnic minority groups—such as southern and eastern Europeans, Cubans, Jews, and African-Americans—will be shown as used and manipulated by the first group, adding a more volatile element to the rational actor model (Dumbrell, 1997; Hughes, 1978; Said, 1977).

In this paper, lessons and examples from among the 30 interventions will be referred to with the assumption that the reader has some basic knowledge of the events under consideration. For more information, one must read the full work where approximately 5-6 pages (150-180 pages total) are devoted to the details of each case.  (See also Appendix A for a 140-to-160 item bibliography of 4-to-6 citations for each of the 30 cases.)

2. Main Themes

The main theme of this paper, and the larger work from it is drawn, is that the primary strategic goal of United States foreign policy since 1945 has been America’s supplanting of the major imperial powers of the pre-World War II era—United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan—as the economic hegemon of the global capitalist system (McCormick, 1995; Smith, 1981; Tucker and Hendrickson, 1991). This generally meant America’s competing against the Soviet Union over which of the two post-World War II Super Powers would succeed Western Europe and Japan as leader of the Third World of developing nations in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. (This thesis is only marginally applicable to the Western Hemisphere, where the American empire began in the 19th century and is merely consolidated during the period under consideration in this work.)

A corollary to this theme (which relates to political strategy) is another pertaining more specifically to economics. The US objective, in most of the 30 cases to be analyzed, has primarily been to make the world safe not for democracy (as is often claimed, citing President Woodrow Wilson), but rather to make the world safe for capital (Girling, 1980; Kolko, 1988; and Shalom, 1993; versus Muravchik, 1991; Perlmutter, 1999; and Smith, 1994). This is especially true in the periphery of the global capitalist system where there is opportunity for the greatest economic growth and profit, and for demonstrations of the superiority of the system. To this end, US interventions in several of the 30 cases (e.g., the former French Indochina, British Guiana, the ex-Belgian Congo, 1990s Yugoslavia) are not limited to the protection of specific business investments of American corporations, but rather to upholding of the economic system, of the idea of capitalism itself.

In defense of this policy, it is argued that safeguarding capitalism in a developing nation sometimes leads in the long run to democracy (or at least to "electoral" or "procedural" democracy for a relatively small number of indigenous capitalist class collaborators), and to a somewhat improved quality of life (in trickle-down fashion) for some upper-middle class managers and service sector workers there. In the short run, however, economic hegemony by nations of the core over those in the periphery—a continuing goal in this current era of globalization—leads to control not only of the weaker states’ economic systems, but of their politics as well. For many of the states to be studied here, the "political system" which has been tolerated to preserve capitalism has been one of military or monarchical rule, or even prolonged civil war (Chomsky and Herman, 1979; versus Pipes and Garfinkle, 1991).

A third, ideological, theme, related to the first two, is the general refusal by the United States to accept any "third way" in these developing nations, between left-wing "socialist nationalists" and right-wing "unreconstructed fascists" (Feinberg, 1983; Gurtov, 1974; Kwitny, 1984). Transnational corporations, not governments, must organize these Third World economies; alternate models of development are not congenial to global capital. To quote John F. Kennedy in the context of the Caribbean in the early 1960s:

There are three possibilities in descending order of preference: a decent democratic regime, a continuation of the Trujillo regime, or a Castro regime. We ought to aim at the first but we really can’t renounce the second until we are sure we can avoid the third. (Schlesinger, 1965: 769.)

Not acceptable under this formula are social-democratic reformers like Mohammed Mossadegh, Jacobo Arbenz, Gamel Adbel Nasser, Ahmed Sukarno, Patrice Lumumba, Cheddi Jagan, Janio da Silva Qadros, Juan Bosch, Salvador Allende, Augustinho Neto, Maurice Bishop, and Jean-Bertrand Aristide, to cite from 12 of the cases covered below. Also not acceptable are mixed economies with some private property respected, or governments sympathetic to labor unions or the poor (in the form of food subsidies or other spending for health and education). Welfare must have a lower priority than repayment of international debt, or spending to restructure the economy or on the physical infrastructure to entice investment from countries of the core. Most unacceptable of all during the Cold War was an independent foreign policy, especially one entailing any form of even-handedness between the United States and the USSR, eastern Europe, or China.

Table 1, on page 8, summarizes these three themes—strategic, economic, and ideological— and how they are reflected in each of the 30 cases.

Table 1 - FPP Cases vs. Main Themes
  a. Strategic b.Economic c. Ideological
  (replaces...) (capitalism > democracy) (no Third Way (econ.,FP) tolerated)
1. Italy ’47-8 Germany,UK (even SU,’43) 1-party dominant govt.,’48-93 1970s Euro-communists  
2. Greece ’47-9 UK monarchists & fascists supported w/ democrats
3. China ’46-58 Europe,Japan Taiwan 1-party/mil.dictatorship,’49-89  

4. Iran ’53 UK,Russia monarchy, ’53-79 Mossadegh
5. Guatemala ’54 - - - mil.dicts.,’54-85; Dulles law firm & UFCo. Arbenz
6. Fertile Crescent ’56-58 UK,France n.a.=not applicable Nasser

7. Congo ’61-65 Belgium Mobutu mil.dict.,’65-97: crony capitalism Lumumba
8. Laos ’61-73 France troika govt.has few democrats Geneva-imposed coalition
9. South Vietnam ’61-65 France Diem & military dicts. protect (French) capital Duong Van (Big) Minh; Nhu?
10. Indonesia ’65-6 Netherlands Suharto mil.dict.,’65-98: crony capitalism Sukarno
11. Cuba ’61-2 (defends vs. USSR) n.a.  
12. British Guiana ’61-6 UK minority 1p-dominant govt., ’66-92 Jagan
13. Brazil ’64 - - - military dictatorships, ’65-85 Qadros
14. Dominican Repub.’65-6 - - - crony capitalist Balaguer, 22/30 yrs. Bosch

15. Cambodia ’70 France n.a. Sihanouk
16. Kurdistan(Iran/Iraq) ’71-5 UK,Russia(see#4) Iran,Shah > self-determination(democracy)  
17. Chile ’73 - - - Pinochet military dictatorship,’73-89 Allende
18. Angola ’74-5 Portugal civil war, ’75-present Neto
19. Australia ’75 UK elected govt.ousted, but for FP reasons Whitlam
20. East Timor ’75 Portugal Indonesian colony > self-determinat.(dem.)  

21. El Salvador ’81-92 - - - demonstration-elections “democracy”  
22. Nicaragua ’81-88 - - - civil war, ’81-88; subvesrsion of ‘84 election Ortega
23. Grenada ’83 UK n.a. Bishop
24. Libya ’86 Italy,UK; USSR n.a.  
25. Afghanistan ’81-89 Russia,UK n.a. (pre-industrial)  

26. Panama ’89 - - - drug thug Noriega tolerated, ’81-89 Torrijos
27. Iraq ’91 UK Kuwait monarchy upheld for Western capital  
28. Somalia ’92-3 UK,Italy; USSR n.a. (pre-industrial)  
29. Haiti ’94 - - - Aristide’s full term cut for Preval Aristide
30. Yugoslavia ’91-99 USSR Fascist Tudjman, Bosnian Fed., Serpska Repub.  
- - - = not applicable(Western Hemisphere)

Finally, pursuant to these three themes, it can be argued that in many of these interventions, the US opposed leftist Third World personalities by supporting more right-wing local clients rather than centrists who were often available. These decisions nearly always (in two-thirds, or 20 of 30, cases) proved disastrous for the local societies affected, and often (in 11 of 30 cases) even turned out to be unfortunate for longer-term American diplomatic interests as well (Sullivan, 1999).

Table 2, on page 10, summarizes this pattern for all 30 cases. In the first column are identified 11 cases where, it will be argued, the interventions led to long-term losses for American foreign policy: China, Iran, Guatemala, Fertile Crescent, Laos, South Vietnam, Cuba, Cambodia, Chile, Libya, and Somalia. In the second column are listed some of the disasters visited upon the local societies affected by the US interventions in about 23 of the 30 cases (all except Australia, Grenada, Libya, Haiti, Yugoslavia; possibly China and Cuba): from the "mere" loss of democracy in seven cases (Italy, Greece, Iran, Guatemala, Guyana (ex-British Guiana), Brazil, Chile); to the consolidation of authoritarian rule in places with no democratic roots (Congo, Indonesia; possibly China and Cuba); to 20 instances where US intervention either caused, or prolonged and exacerbated, almost 200 years of war involving several million deaths: Greece, Iran, Guatemala, Lebanon, Congo, Laos, South Vietnam, Indonesia, Dominican Republic, Cambodia, Kurdistan, Chile, Angola, East Timor, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Panama, Iraq, and Somalia/Rwanda.

Table 2 - Thesis: Short-Term US FP Gains vs. ........
  Long Term USFP Loss? Local Disasters due to US intervention
Early Years   (loss of democracy; exacerbated wars)
1. Italy ’47-8   1-party-dominant CDP regime, 1948-93
2. Greece ’47-9   *1967-74 military dictatorship; 160,000 dead in ’45-49 civil war
3. China ’46-49 /58 Yes, US isolation, ’49-’72/79 ?Mao CCP dictatorship, ~5 mill.deaths (landlordrs,Great Leap,Cultur.Rev. )?
4. Iran ’53 Yes, after 1979 ( to present) monarch,’53-79; Islamic Fund.rule,’79ff; 1300 in ’53; 20,000 dead in ’78/79
5. Guatemala ’54 Yes, encouraged Bay of Pigs military rule, 1954-84; 1961-96 civil war, 200,000 dead
6. Fertile Crescent ’56-58 Yes: ’57-71 Egypt; 1958ff Syria, Iraq *Deferred Lebanese civil war, 1975-91
Extremist Years  
7. Congo ’61-65   Mobutu, 1965-97 + Kabila,’97ff = 35 yrs.; 100,000 dead in ’61-65 war
8. Laos, ’63-73 Yes, esp. after 1975 Most bombed country in history, 1963-73; toll included on next line....
9. South Vietnam,’61-65 Yes, ’65-75 war, ’75-95 “loss” 2 million dead in US-Indochina war, 1965-73/75
10. Indonesia ’65-6   Suharto dictatorship, 1966-98; 1/2 million dead in ’65-66.
11. Cuba ’61-2 Yes, ’61 embarrassment, ’62-89ff isolation ?Castro 1p-communist dictatorship, but better econ.quality of life?
12. British Guiana ’61-6   delay of independence, 1962-66; 1-party-minority rule, 1966-92.
13. Brazil ’64   military dictatorships, 1965-85 = 20 yrs.
14. Dominican Rep.’65-6   Trujillo’s Balaguer for 22 of next 30 yrs.; 3000 dead in ’65
15. Cambodia ’70 Yes, still; Japan now the hegemon dead:150,000 in ’70-75, ~1.8 mil. in ’75-79; 50,000 in ’79-91,’98
16. Kurdistan ’71-5 ,’91   ?200,000 dead (Source?); Kurds “not missionary work” (Kissinger)
17. Chile ’73 Yes, esp. in Lat.Am. public opinion 1973-89 Gen.Pinochet dictatorship; 3000 dead in ’73-74
18. Angola, ’74-5   1,000,000 dead in 1975-present civil war
19. Australia ’75   NO; perceived as normal change of govt. in parl. system
20. East Timor ’75   200,000/600,000 dead in ’75; Indon.colony 1975-99
Contemporary Era  
21. El Salvador ’79-92   75,000 dead in ’79-92 civil war ; d’Aubuisson’s ARENA rule since
22. Nicaragua ‘81-88   30,000 dead in ’81-88 civil war
23. Grenada ’83   NO; “only” 200 deaths; improvement over Coard regime
24. Libya ’86 Yes, Pan-Am 103,’88; US still isolated NO; <40 dead; sanctions, isolation an inconvenience to elites
25. Afghanistan ’81-89   1.5-2 mill. dead in ’80-present civil war ; Taliban since ’95
26. Panama ’89   2000 locals dead to arrest Noriega (restore “democracy”)
27. Iraq ’91   100,000 dead in war + 100,000 children from sanctions since
28. Somalia ’92-3 Yes; + failure in precedent for Rwanda,’94 3,000 dead, but civilians fed; + 500,000 dead in Rwanda,1994*
29. Haiti ’94   NO; locals about same quality of life, politics as before
30. Yugoslavia ’91-99   NO. Too soon to judge: Bosnia partitioned; Kosovo under UN.

SUMMARY: Yes=11; No = 19; NO/?= 7 (Australia,Grenada,Libya,Haiti,Yugoslavia; + ?China,Cuba?);
*deferred=3 (Greece, Lebanon,Somalia /Rwanda)
~180 yrs. of war; ~7,700,000 deaths (see Table 5).

3. Other Patterns/Sub-Themes

There are also a number of lesser patterns and sub-themes related to the methods, personalities, and domestic politics involved in the 30 case studies analyzed in this work.

Among the noteworthy methods adopted by the United States are some that were nefarious and others that were more subtle. These are summarized in Table 3, on page 12. Among the former, in the left column, were (i) the use of assassination (see the seven cases involving Lumumba, Castro, Diem, Allende, Qaddaffi, Saddam, and Milosevic) (Nutter, 1999); (ii) the support of actions that under other circumstances would be described as terrorism, but when in the service of US goals were often defended as legitimate second-party responses to violence or even "freedom fighting" (see, e.g., the nine cases involving Miami Cuban exiles, Laos’ secret army and air force, the Kurdish insurgents in the 1970s and 1990s, the Union for the Total Independence of Angola, the Nicaraguan contras, the mujihadeens in Afghanistan and Iran, anti-Aideed Somali militias, and the Kosovo Liberation Army) (Halperin et al., 1976; Langguth, 1978); and finally (iii) the tolerance of overkill, sometimes to the point of genocide, by some of our surrogates in six instances: Diem in his strategic hamlets, Suharto in 1966, the Shah’s SAVAK, Pol Pot (whom the US supported after 1979), and the Governments of El Salvador and Guatemala in their counter-insurgency wars in the early 1980s (Klare and Kornbluh, 1988; Shafer, 1988).

Among the more above-board, though still dubious, tactics (in the right column) were: (i) tampering with the modalities of parliamentary government to subvert popular will (see the three cases of British Guiana, Australia, and Grenada); (ii) playing off the Head of State against the Head of Government in presidential systems (e.g., Lebanon, Iran, the Congo, Cambodia); (iii) selectively invoking the need to uphold the rightful winner of an election (in Italy, 1948, and Panama, 1989), but not when it was inconvenient for the United States (as in Dominican Republic, 1965; Chile, 1973; Australia, 1975; and Nicaragua, 1984); and (iv) the use of military aid (especially to Nationalist China, Greece, South Vietnam, Chile (diverted away from the government to the army), and El Salvador.

Table 3, on page 12, summarizes some of these techniques for the cases cited.

Table 3 - FPP Cases vs. Patterns: 1. Methods
  a. Nefarious (invade, coup; i, ii, iii) b.Subtle (i, ii, iii, iv)
  (assassination, terrorism, overkill ) (parl.tactics, Hd.State v. Hd.Govt., elections, aid )
1. Italy ’47-8   ensure 1948 election winners, losers
2. Greece ’47-9   military $ aid: $400 mill./yr. x 3 yrs.
3. China ’46-58 airlifts of KMT; KMT-Burma drug link military $ aid: $2 billion; air lifts into northeast

4. Iran ’53 post-’80 terrorist mujahedeen; SAVAK Hd.St.Shah vs. Hd.Govt.Mossadegh manipulation,1953
5. Guatemala ’54 200,000 dead in ’61-86 counter-insurg.(CI)  
6. Fertile Crescent ’56-58 Lebanon invasion Lebanon Hd.St. v. Hd. Govt

7. Congo ’61-65 Lumumba assassination Hd.St.Kasavubu v. Hd.Govt.Lumumba
8. Laos ’61-73 Kong Le/Meo armies, Air America, drug $ constucting of COalition govts., 1958-62
9. South Vietnam ’61-65 Diem assassination; strategic hamlets,CI military $ aid
10. Indonesia ’65-6 Suharto’s 1/2 mill.dead, 1966  
11. Cuba ’61-2 assassin. attempts; exiles-backed invasion  
12. British Guiana ’61-6   parl.tactics: shift to Prop.Representation voting
13. Brazil ’64 CIA-assisted coup  
14. Dominican Rep.’65-6 invasion ignore 1962,’65 elections, esp. Bosch

15. Cambodia ’70 Pol Pot: 2 mil.dead ’75-9; US UN man in ’80’s Recognize Hd.Govt.’s coup > Head State in 1970
16. Kurdistan ’71-5 Kurds v. Iraq, ‘71-5, 91ff  
17. Chile ’73 Schneider, Allende assassinations ignore ’70 pres., & ’72 assy., elections; mil. aid diversion
18. Angola, ’74-5 UNITA insurgency, ’75-91ff  
19. Australia ’75 constitutional coup parl.tactics;dubious PM dismissal overturns ’73 election
20. East Timor ’75 support invasion, genocide  

21. El Salvador ’81-92 75,000 dead in US supported CI war military $ aid
22. Nicaragua ‘81-88 contra “freedom fighters”, ’81-88 sponsor boycott, ignore results of1984 elections
23. Grenada ’83 invasion parl. tactics; retroactive request from GG Scoon
24. Libya ’86 Qaddaffi as bomb-target  
25. Afghanistan ’81-89 Mujahedeen, ’80-89; Stingers  

26. Panama ’89 invasion “uphold” 1989 election winner Endara
27. Iraq ’91 Saddam as bomb-target cashbook coalition
28. Somalia ’92-93 anti-Aideed militias  
29. Haiti ’94 “immaculate” invasion  
30. Yugoslavia ’91-99 Milosevic as ’99bomb-target; KLA support  

Among the personalities encountered in these 30 cases, two themes emerge and are summarized on Table 4, on page 14. One is the use of unsavory characters, or "thugs", as junior partners in many of the interventions. These worthies span the spectrum, in the left column, from: (i) former World War II collaborators with German Nazi, Italian Fascist, and Japanese militarist regimes (see the five cases involving Italy, Greece, Iran, Congo, and Indonesia); to (ii) CIA informants and agents who were, or became, among their countries’ leaders (see the nine examples in Jordan (Fertile Crescent), South Vietnam, Greece, Australia, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Panama, and Haiti); to (iii) drug traffickers who are prominent in five instances (China, Laos, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, and Panama (Cockburn and St. Clair, 1998; Kwitny, 1987; Marshall, 1991)). These examples are all part of a policy of preferring military regimes and monarchies over democracies, a corollary of the larger thesis involving capitalism and democracy, and a recognition of the unhappy means often needed to ensure the survival of America’s preferred economic system in its peripheral regions (Lafeber, 1999).

A second theme relates to dealings with recalcitrant Third World leaders, or "pests" in Table 4’s right column. Some of America’s clients (i) became uppity and had to be taught harsh lessons, presumably as instruction for others, possibly simply out of pique (see the four cases involving Manuel Noriega, Saddam Hussein, Raoul Cedras, and, eventually, even Mobutu Sese Seku). Another (ii) technique was to portray disfavored leaders as "crazy," "unstable," "Hitler-like," etc. (see adjectives applied, in 12 cases, to Mossadegh, Suharto, Castro, Qadros, Sihanouk, Allende, Ortega, Qaddafi, Noriega, Saddam, Aideed, and Aristide). Finally (iii), there were the expendables — hapless, less-powerful actors who had to be "sacrificed" to larger strategic goals in eight instances (leftist Greeks, Taiwanese, centrist and right-wing Laotians, "sideshow" Cambodians, Kurds in both 1975 and 1991, Timorese, Hekmytyar and other mujaheddin allies in Afghanistan, and probably in the near future, Kosovars.)

Table 4: FPP Cases vs. Patterns: 2. Personalities
  a. “Thugs” (i,ii,iii,iv) b. “Pests” (i,ii,iii, iv)
  (collabs.,CIAers,druggers,dictators) (uppities, crazies, traitors, expendables)
1. Italy ’47-8 ex-fasc,nazi collabs.; CIA’s 1pdom>dem.  
2. Greece ’47-9 ex-fasc,nazi collabs.; CIA’s ’67 mil >dem. leftist Papandreou in ’67
3. China ’46-58 Chiang/KMT link to Burmese druggers Taiwan, despite 1979 Relations Act?
4. Iran ’53 son of Fascist collaborator; mon>dem. “weepy, unstable” Mossadegh
5. Guatemala ’54 decline Carter HR aid; mil.>dem.  
6. Fertile Crescent ’56-58 Jordan’s King Hussein on CIA payroll Lebanon Muslim rule deferred ‘til 1991 (33 yrs.)
7. Congo ’61-65 Mobutu in Belgian Army, w/CIA; mil.>dem. Mobutu overstaying by ‘80s
8. Laos ’61-73 Golden Triangle drug-financed air force rightist Phoumi Nosavan, monarchist Souvanna Phouma
9. South Vietnam ’61-65 CIA’s Lansdale’s choice of Diem; mil.>dem. “unresponsive” Diem
10. Indonesia ’65-6 Suharto Netherlands collab.; mil.>dem. “libertine, lecherous” Sukarno
11. Cuba ’61-2 Miami pro-Battista exiles “bearded, long-winded” Castro
12. British Guiana ’61-6 1party-dominant Forbes Burnham>democracy  
13. Brazil ’64 mil.dictators>dem. “unstable” Qadros
14. Dominican Rep.’65-6 Trujillo’s Balaguer  
15. Cambodia ’70> legit.mon. “mercurial”l Sihanouk; sideshow state expendable
16. Kurdistan ’71-5 see #4; + OPEC stiffer of US consumer Kurds not missionary work in’75, pre-no-fly-zone ’91
17. Chile ’73 mil.>dem.; DINA + regional Operation Condor “incompetent” Allende
18. Angola, ’74-5 terrorist UNITA, racist S.Africa, communist PRCh. UNITA’s Savimbi, after 1991
19. Australia ’75 CIA-linked GG John Kerr’s dubious dismissal Labor PM Gough Whitlam
20. East Timor ’75 military colony > self-determination(democracy) tiny Timorese
21. El Salvador ’81-92 CIA’s/Schoool of America’s d’Aubuisson,ARENA  
22. Nicaragua ‘81-88 CIA’s Somocista/contra Army, drug-$ subsidized “dictator-in-designer-glasses” Ortega
23. Grenada ’83 OECS’s Eugenia Charles Coard “even worse” than Bishop; Cuban “brigade”
24. Libya ’86 only UK would help; no Spain,France fly-overs “berobed, terrorist” Qaddaffi
25. Afghanistan ’81-89 CIA’s Mujaheddin, Golden Crescent druggers Hekmytyar, et al. abandoned to Taliban in 1996
26. Panama ’89 CIA’s Noriega agent + drugger since 1960s Noriega two-timing Bush, “drug-lord”
27. Iraq ’91 monarchy > civilian rule in Kuwait Saddam betrayer of ’87-90 ally Bush, “Hitler”
28. Somalia ’92-93   disobedient “warlord” Aideed
29. Haiti ’94 CIA + junta, FRAPH; mil.>democ.(under Bush) overstaying Cedras; “defrocked” Aristide; FRAPH’s Constant
30. Yugoslavia ’91-99 Tudjman Kosovars?

Finally, summarized in Table 5, on page 16, there is the theme of domestic politics. Although the Democratic and Republican parties have had different styles in their diplomacy over the past 55 years, there are significant commonalities. For example, the willingness to employ overwhelming military power to address political problems in the Third World is characteristic of both parties. To cite Bob Dole in the 1976 Vice Presidential candidates’ debate, the Democrats were definitely the party in power at the time of the major wars in Korea and Vietnam (not to mention World Wars I and II). Yet they can never live up to the rhetoric of the Republicans when it comes to the "loss of China," the "police action" in Korea, or fighting "with one arm tied-behind-the-back" in Vietnam. But the GOP, while big on such talk, has been surprisingly restrained in action during its presidencies, with the exception of Bush’s war against Iraq.

In short, both parties are pretty much the same, from the perspective of the Third World recipients of American attention, the targets of our intervention which in this study include 12 under Democratic administrations, and 15 under Republican presidents (with three spanning regimes of both parties). Table 5, on page 16, lists these interjections by political party and then totes up the number of years of disruption of normal politics in the targetted states, and deaths resulting therefrom in each case. A rough estimate yields more than 500 years of disrupted local politics in 27 of the 30 cases (all except Grenada, Panama, and Yugoslavia), spread roughly equally between Democratic and Republican administrations. There were also about 8 million deaths of people in these "peripheral" places, with about 1 million more of them occurring under Democratic than under Republican regimes.

Table 5: Target Recipients’ Cost of Democratic, Republican Interventions
  Party # yrs. politics disrupted # deaths
1. Italy ’47-8 Dem. 1-party-dominant, ’48-93 = 45 yrs. minimal
2. Greece ’47-9 Dem. military dictatorship, 1967-74 = 7 yrs. 160,000 in ‘45-49
3. China ’46-58 Both’49-89 =40 yrs.; in UN,’46-71 = 25 yrs. (~5 million)
4. Iran ’53 GOP monarch,’53-79 + Isl.Funds.,’79ff = 47 yrs. 20,000 in ‘78/79, 1300 in’ 53
5. Guatemala ’54 GOP mil.dict.,’54-84 = 30 yrs.; civil war,’61-96 = 35 yrs. 200,000
6. Crescent/Lebanon ’56-58 GOP civil war, ’75-91=16 yrs.; no Muslim rule,’58-91 = 33 yrs. (150,000)
7. Congo ’61-65 Dem. military dictatorships, 1965-present = 35 yrs. 100,000
8. Laos, ‘61-73 Dem. ’63-73 neutralization,partition,secret air war = 10 yrs. part of US-VN war’s 2 mill.
9. South Vietnam,’61-65 Dem. prolonged civil war,1965-75 = 10 yrs. 2,000,000
10. Indonesia ’65-6 Dem. military dictatorship, 1966-98 = 32 yrs. 500,000
11. Cuba ’61-2 Dem. 1pcom,’61ff = 39 yrs.; nucl.war scare; frozen diplomacy 270 in ‘61
12. British Guiana ’61-6 Dem. 4-yr. indep. delay + 1pdom,1966-92 = 30 yrs. minimal
13. Brazil ’64 Dem. military dictatorships, 1965-85 = 20 yrs. minimal
14. Dominican Repub. ’65-6 Dem. Trujillo’s Balaguer, ’66-78,’86-96 = 22 yrs 3,000
15. Cambodia ’70 GOP civil war, 1970-98 = 28 yrs. 2 mill. ( 1/4 pop. )-see Table 2 sub-tots
16. Kurdistan(Iran/Iraq) ’71-5, ’91 GOP insurgency,’71-75,’91 = 5 yrs. ?200,000
17. Chile ’73 GOP military dictatorship, 1973-89 = 16 yrs. 3,000
18. Angola, ’74-5 GOP 1975-present = 25 yrs. (entire lifetime) 1,000,000
19. Australia ’75 GOP removal of Labor govt.,’75-87 = ~12 yrs.? none
20. East Timor ’75 GOP foreign (colonial) rule, 1975-99 = 24 yrs. 200,000 (1/3 pop.)
21. El Salvador ’79-92 Both civil war,1979-92 = 13 yrs. 75,000
22. Nicaragua ‘81-88 GOP civil war, 1981-88 = 7 yrs. 30,000
23. Grenada ’83 GOP n.a. (in fact, “normal” politics restored). 200
24. Libya ’86 GOP sanctions, 1986ff=14 yrs., disrupts elites’ travel ~40, including Qaddaffi daughter
25. Afghanistan ’81-89 GOP civil war, ’80ff = 20 yrs.; “blowback” in 4 Arab states, US? (1.5-2.0 million)
26. Panama ’89 GOP n.a. (previous election “winner” restored) 2,000
27. Iraq ’91 GOP war,bombs,sanctions,’91ff=9 yrs. ~200,000 (including fm. sanctions)
28. Somalia ’92-3 Both 1992-93 = 1yr. 3,000 ( + 500,000 in Rwanda,’94 )
29. Haiti ’94 Dem. 1991-94 failure to respond = 3 yrs. 0 (“immaculate” intervention)
30. Yugoslavia ’91-99 Dem. n.a. 200,000 (Bosnia) + 10,000 (Kosovo)
  12 D, 15 GOP
3 both
Dems=263 yrs; GOP=254 yrs. Dems=4.3 mill., GOP=3.4 mill. = 7.7 m.
(not primarily attributable to US:

The two parties are also similar in responding to the needs of the National Security State, each providing over the years (in the form of largely unquestioned "Defense" Department budgets) ample subsidies to what Eisenhower described as the military-industrial complex. Ever since NSC-68 and the call for tripling of military spending in April, 1950 — two months before the Korean War even started — the Pentagon budget has remained about the same (adjusted for inflation), with no more than a 10% deviation, regardless of whether the Democrats or Republicans were in power, or whether country was at war (e.g., 1965-73) or without any discernible equal-sized military enemy (1991 to the present) (Gansler, 1980; Kaldor, 1981; Markusen and Yudken, 1992; Walker et al., 1991).

With respect to manipulated minority ethnic groups, the Democrats were the first to activate the southern and eastern European-Americans (especially Italians, Greeks, Czechs, and Poles) during the presidential election of 1948 at the start of the Cold War; many of these (mainly Roman Catholics) moved in to the Republican column as they became more affluent in later years (Au, 1985). The Republicans have had particular appeal to Cuban-Americans (especially after JFK’s failure at the Bay of Pigs, 1961), and to partisans of a "free" China (actually, these are more often right-wing ideologues than Asian-Americans) (Bachrach, 1971). The Democrats have been successful in retaining the allegiance of Jews, especially after Truman’s recognition of Israel (1948) and Eisenhower’s backing of Egypt at Suez (1956) (Glick, 1981; Snetsinger, 1974), and of African-Americans (activated especially during the Congo and Haiti cases) (Miller, 1978; Shepherd, 1971).

A few other sea changes in party support by specific sociological groups would include: youths from elite universities to the Democrats after the invasion of Cambodia (1970) (Casale, 1989); career military officers to the Republicans in the post-Vietnam War era; and a generation of young Americans to the GOP after Reagan’s 1984 "morning in America" campaign in the wake of the Grenada intervention. See Table 6, on page 18, for a summary of the impact of each of these 30 interventions on domestic politics and specific political groups.

Table 6: Domestic Politics Impact of Democratic, Republican Interventions
  Party Domestic Politics, Ethnic/Other Group Impact
Chapter 1:
1. Italy ’47-8 Dem. southern & eastern Europeans to Dems.
2. Greece ’47-9 Dem. southern & eastern Europeans to Dems.
3. China ’46-58 Both anti-communists to GOP
Chapter 2:
4. Iran ’53 GOP 1st CIA “success”; not admitted until 1970s
5. Guatemala ’54 GOP 2nd CIA “success”; not admitted until 1970s
6. Fertile Crescent ’56-58 GOP Jews to Democrats
Chapter 3:
7. Congo ’61-65 Dem. African-Americans to Democrats
8. Laos, ‘61-73 Dem. “secret” war, lost amidst Vietnam politics
9. South Vietnam,’61-65 Dem. anti-communists & military to GOP; Dem.Party Coalition destroyed
10. Indonesia ’65-6 Dem. public opinion distracted by Vietnam
11. Cuba ’61-2 Dem. Miami Cubans to GOP
12. British Guiana ’61-6 Dem. None; involvement generally not known
13. Brazil ’64 Dem. None; involvement generally not known
14. Dominican Repub. ’65-6 Dem. Cold War consensus; precedent for Vietnam
Chapter 4:
15. Cambodia ’70 GOP elite youth to Democrats
16. Kurdistan(Iran/Iraq) ’71-5,’91 GOP noted only by Safire until 1991, then humanitarian
17. Chile ’73 GOP long-term media gain to Democrats
18. Angola, ’74-5 GOP Clark amendment ultimately hurts Democrats
19. Australia ’75 GOP kept successfully secret
20. East Timor ’75 GOP not on public opinion radar screen until 1999
Chapter 6:
21. El Salvador ’79-92 Both BiPartisan cooperation
22. Nicaragua ‘81-88 GOP RR “obsession” leads to 1986ff embarrassment
23. Grenada ’83 GOP media, generation(?) to RR/GOP
24. Libya ’86 GOP ditto: more RR standing tall.
25. Afghanistan ’81-89 GOP ditto: this + RR DOD budget “ended Cold War”
Chapter 7:
26. Panama ’89 GOP drugs asBush’s new FP organizing principle
27. Iraq ’91 GOP media + fleeting public opinion boost to GOP
28. Somalia ’92-3 Both humanitarian intervention
29. Haiti ’94 Dem. African-Americans to Democrats
30. Yugoslavia ’91-99 Dem. divided elites
Summary: 12 Dem, 15 GOP
3 both


In conclusion, as mentioned earlier, one would have to read the full text of Foreign Policy in the Periphery: American Adventurism in the Third World, to get the complete argumentation behind each of these theses and themes. It is hoped that the six tables presented here, summarizing key phrases from the 30 studies of US political-military interventions, will provide enough of a sample of how the cases are used to be at least preliminarily persuasive to the reader of this paper.


Allison, Graham. 1971. Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis. Boston: Little, Brown and Co.

Au, William A. 1985. The Cross, The Flag and The Bomb: American Catholics Debate War and Peace, 1960-83. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press..

Bachrach, Stanley. 1971. Committee of One Million: "China Lobby" Politics, 1953-71. NY: Columbia University Press.

Barnet, Richard. 1994. Global Dreams: Imperial Corporations and the New World Order. NY: Simon & Schuster.

Blechman, Barry and Stephen Kaplan. 1978. Force without War: US Armed Forces as a Political Instrument. Washington: Brookings Institution.

Blum, William. 1995. Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions since World War II. Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press.

Casale, Anthony M. 1989. Where Have All the Flowers Gone?: The Fall and Rise of the Woodstock Generation. Kansas City: Andrews and McMeel.

Chomsky, Noam and Edward S. Herman. 1979. The Political Economy of Human Rights, vol. 1 : The Pentagon-CIA Archipelago: The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism. Boston: South End Press.

Cockburn, Alexander, and Jeffrey St. Clair. 1998. Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs, and the Press. New York: Verso.

Cooling, Benjamin. 1977. War, Business and American Society: Historical Perspectives on the Military-Industrial Complex. NY: Kennikat Press.

Dumbrell, John. 1997. The Making of US Foreign Policy: American Democracy and American Foreign Policy. NY: St. Martin’s Press.

Farrell, Theodore 1996. Weapons without a Cause: The Politics of Weapons Acquisition in the United States. UK: Tauris Press.

Feinberg, Richard E. 1983. The Intemperate Zone: The Third World Challenge to United States Foreign Policy. New York: W. W. Norton.

Gansler, Jacques. 1980. The Defense Industry. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press.

Gilbert, Tony and Pierre Joris. 1981. Global Interference: The Consistent Pattern of American Foreign Policy. London: Liberation Press.

Girling, J.L.S. 1980. America and the Third World: Revolution and Intervention. Boston: Routledge, Keegan, and Paul.

Glick, Edward Bernard. 1981. The Triangular Connection: America, Israel, and American Jews. NY: George Allen and Unwin.

Gottlieb, Sanford. 1996. Defense Addiction: Can America Kick the Habit? Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Gurtov,Melvin. 1974. The United States against the Third World: Antinationalism and Intervention. NY: Praeger.

Halperin, Morton. 1974. Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.

Halperin, Morton M., J. Berman, Robert Borosage, and C. Marwick (eds.) 1976.The Lawless State: Crimes of the US Intelligence Agencies. NY: Penguin Books.

Hughes, Barry. 1978. The Domestic Context of American Foreign Policy. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman.

Kaldor, Mary. 1981. The Baroque Arsenal. NY: Hill and Wang.

Kaufmann, William W. 1990. Glasnost, Perestroika, and US Defense Spending. Washington: The Brookings Institution.

Klare, Michael T. and Peter Kornabluh (eds.) 1988. Low Intensity Warfare: Counterinsurgency, Proinsurgency, and Antiterrorism in the Eighties. NY: Pantheon Books.

Kolko, Gabriel. 1988. Confronting the Third World. United States Foreign Policy, 1945-1980. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kwitny, Jonathan. 1987. The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA. NY, W. W. Norton Co.

________. 1984. Endless Enemies:The Making of an Unfriendly World. NY: Penguin.

Lafeber, Walter. 1999. "The Tension between Democracy and Capitalism during the American Century," Diplomatic History, 23(2), Spring: 263-84.

Langguth, A. J. 1978. Hidden Terrors. NY: Pantheon.

Markusen, Ann and Joel Yudken. 1992. Dismantling the Cold War Economy. NY: Basic Books.

Marshall, Jonathan. 1991. Drug Wars: Corruption, Counterinsurgency, and Covert Operations in the Third World. Forestville, CA: Cohan and Cohan Publishers.

McCormick, T. J. 1995. America’s Half Century: United States Foreign Policy in the Cold War and After. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Miller, Jake C. 1978. The Black Presence in American Foreign Affairs. DC: University Press of America.

Muravchik, Joshua. 1991. Exporting Democracy: Fulfilling America’s Destiny. Washington: American Enterprise Institute Press.

Nutter, John Jacob. 1999. The CIA’s Black Operations: Covert Action, Foreign Policy, and Democracy. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Perlmutter, Amos. 1999. Making the World Safe for Democracy: A Century of Wilsonianism and Its Totalitarian Challengers. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Pipes, Daniel and Adam Garfinkle (eds.) 1991. Friendly Tyrants: An American Dilemma. NY: St. Martin’s Press.

Said, Abdul Aziz (ed.) 1977. Ethnicity and US Foreign Policy. NY: Praeger Special Studies.

Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr. 1965. A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co.

Shafer, Michael D. 1988. Deadly Paradigms: The Failure of US Counterinsurgency Policy. Princeton University Press.

Shalom, Stephen R. 1993. Imperial Alibis: Rationalizing US Intervention after the Cold War. Boston: South End Press.

Shepherd, George W. 1971. Racial Influences on American Foreign Policy. NY: Basic Books.

Smith, Tony. 1994. America’s Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century. NJ: Princeton University Press.

________. 1981. The Pattern of Imperialism: The United States, Great Britain, and the Late Industrializing World since 1815. UK: Cambridge University Press.

Snetsinger, John. 1974. Truman, the Jewish Vote, and the Creation of Israel. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press.

Sullivan, Michael J. III 1996. Comparing State Politics: A Framework for Analyzing 100 Governments. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

________. 1999. "Patterns of Ideological Preference in Fifteen US Foreign Policy Interventions," International Studies Association national convention, Washington, DC.

Treverton, Gregory T. 1987. Covert Action: The Limits of Intervention in the Post-War World. NY: Basic Books.

Tucker, Robert W. and David C. Hendrickson. 1991. The Imperial Temptation: The New World Order and America’s Purpose. NY: Council of Foreign Relations.

Walker, Greg, David A. Bella, and Steven J. Sprecher (eds.). 1991. The Military-Industria Complex: Eisenhower’s Warning Three Decades Later. NY: Peter Land Publishing.

Appendix A - Selected Bibliography
(approximately five sources per case x 30 cases)


Harper, J. L. 1986. America and the Reconstrution of Italy, 1945-48. Cambridge, MA:?

Martinez, E. Edda and Edward A. Suchman. 1950. "Letters from America and the 1948 Elections in Italy," The Public Opinion Quarterly, Spring: 111-25.

Miller, James Edward. 1986. The US and Italy, 1940-50. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Miller, James Edward. 1983. "Taking Off the Gloves: TheUnited States and the ItalianElections of 1948. Diplomatic History, VII (Summer): 34-55.


Amen, Michael M. 1978. American Foreign Policy in Greece, 1944/1949: Economic, Military, and Institutional Aspects. Frankfurt, West Germany: Peter Lang Ltd.

Close, David. 1993. "The Reconstruction of a Right-Wing State," in David Close (ed.), The Greek Civil War, 1943-50. London:?. pp. 156-90.

Kofas, John. 1986. Intervention and Underdevelopment: Greece during the Cold War. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press.

Kuniholm, Bruce. 1980. The Origins of the Cold War in the Near East. NJ: Princeton University Press.

O’Ballance, Edgar. 1966. The Greek Civil War, 1944-49. New York: Praeger.

Wittner, Lawrence S. 1982. American Intervention in Greece, 1943-49. NY: Columbia University Press.


Cohen, Warren I. 1971. America’s Response to China: An Interpretive History of Sino-American Relations. NY: John Wiley & Sons.

Hoyt, Edwin Palmer. 1990. The Day the Chinese Attacked: Korea 1950—Story of the Failure of Am.China Policy. NY: McGraw-Hill Publishing Co.

Schaller, Michael. 1979. The US & China in the 20th Century. NY: Oxford University Press.

Stueck, William Whitney Jr. 1981. The Road to Confrontation: American Policy toward China and Korea, 1947-50. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

4. Iran, 1953

Bill, James. 1988. The Eagle and the Lion: The Tragedy of American-Iranian Relations. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Cottam, Richard. 1988. Iran and the Unitd States: A Cold War Case Study. PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.

Gasiorowski, Mark. 1991. US Foreign Policy and the Shah: Building a Client State in Iran. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Goode, James. 1997. In the Shadow of Mossadegh. NY: St. Martin’s Press.

Ramazani, Rouhollah. 1982. The US & Iran: The Patterns of Influence. NY: Praeger Publications.

Ruehsen, Moyara de Moraes. 1993. "Operation Ajax Revisited: Iran, 1953," Middle Eastern Studies, XXIX (July), 467-86.

5. Guatemala, 1954

Cullather, Nick. 1999. Secret History: The CIA’s Classified Account of Its Operations in Guatemala, 1952-1954. CA: Stanford University Press.

Gleijeses, Piero. 1991. Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1944-1954. NJ: Princeton University Press.

Immerman, Richard H. 1982. The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Schlesinger, Stephen and Stephen Kinzer. 1982. Bitter Fruit: The Untold Story of the American Coup in Guatemala. NY: Doubleday & Co.

Soto, Jose Aybar de. 1978. Dependency and Intervention: The Case of Guatemala in 1954. Boulder: Westview Press.

6. Fertile Crescent, 1956-58

Allin, Erika. 1994. The United States and the 1958 Lebanon Crisis: American Intervention in the Middle East. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Biska, Michael. 1987. "The 1958 American Intervention in Lebanon: A Historial Assessment," American-Arab Affairs, Winter:106-19.

Freiberger, Steven Z. 1998. Dawn over Suez: The Rise of American Power in the Middle East, 1953-57. Chicago: Ivar R. Dee Publisher.

Gendzier, Irene. 1997. Notes from the Minefield: US Intervention in Lebanon and the Middle East, 1945-58. New York.

Lesch, David. 1992. Syria and the United States: Eisenhower’s Cold War in the Middle East. Boulder: University of Colorado Press.

Little, Douglas. 1996. "His Finest Hour? Eisenhower, Lebanon, and the 1958 Middle East Crisis," Diplomatic History, XX (Winter), 27-54.

7. Congo, ‘61-65

Gibbs, David N. 1991.The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money and US Policy in the Congo Crisis. University of Chicago Press.

Jackson, Henry F. 1982. From the Congo to Soweto: US Foreign Policy toward Africa 1960-80. NY: W. W. Morrow.

Kelly, Sean. 1993. America’s Tyrant:T he CIA and Mobutu of Zaire. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Mahoney, Richard. 1983. JFK: Ordeal in Africa. NY: Oxford University Press.

Schatzberg, Michael G. 1991. Mobutu or Chaos? The US & Zaire, 1960-90. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Weissman, Stephen R. 1974. American Foreign Policy in the Congo, 1960-64. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974.

8. Laos,’59-73

Branfman, Fred. 1972. Voices from the Plain of Jars: Life Under an Air War. NY: Harper & Row.

Goldstein, Martin E. 1975. American Policy toward Laos. NJ: Fairleigh-Dickinson U. Press.

Hamilton-Merritt, Jane. 1993. Tragic Mountains: the Hmong, the Americans, and the Secret Wars for Laos, 1942-1992. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Robbins, Christopher. 1979. Air America. NY: G. P. Putnam.

Stevenson, Charles A. 1972. The End of Nowhere: American Policy toward Laos since 1954. Boston: Beacon Press.

McCoy, Alfred W., Cathleen Read, and Leonard P. Adams II. 1972.The Politics of Heroin in South East Asia. NY: Harper and Row.

9. South Vietnam,’61-65

Chomsky, Noam. 1993. Rethinking Camelot: JFK, the Vietnam War, and US Political Culture. Boston: South End Press.

Goulden, Joseph C. 1969. Truth is the First Casualty: The Gulf of Tonkin Affair: Illusion and Reality. Chicago: Rand-McNally.

Hammer, Ellen J. 1987. A Death in November: America in Vietnam, 1963. New York: Oxford University Press.

Kolko, Gabriel 1985. Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, the United States, and the Modern Historical Experience. NY: Pantheon Books.

Newman, John H. 1992. JFK & Vietnam: Deception, Intrigue, & the Struggle for Power. New York: Warner Books.

Schulzinger, Robert D. 1997. A Time for War: US and Vietnam, 1941-75. NY: Oxford U. Press.

Winters, Francis X. 1999. The Year of the Hare: America in Vietnam, January 25, 1963 to February 15, 1964. Athens: University of Georgia Press.

Young, Marilyn B. 1991. The Vietnam Wars: 1945-1990. NY: Harper Collins.

10. Indonesia,’65-66

Gardner, Paul F. 1997. Shared Hopes, Separate Fears: Fifty Years of US-Indonesia Relations. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Kahin, Audrey R. and George McT. 1997. Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Duller Debacle in Indonesia. NY: New Press.

Mortimer, Rex. 1974. Indonesian Communism under Sukarno.: Ideology and Politics, 1959-1965. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

United States. Central Intelligency Agency. 1968 (December). Indonesia—1965: The Coup that Backfired. Washington: CIA Research Study.

Wertheim, W. F. 1970. "Suharto and the Untung Coup—The Missing Link," Journal of Contemporary Asia. London, Winter, pp. 53ff.

11. Cuba,’61

Blight, James G. and Peter Kornbluh (eds.). 1998. Politics of Illusion: The Bay of Pigs Invasion Reexamined. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publisher.

Hinckle, Warren and William W. Turner. 1981. The Fish is Red: The Story of the Secret War against Castro. NY: Harper and Row.

Higgins, Trumbull. 1987. The Perfect Failure: Kennedy, Eisenhower, and the CIA at the Bay of Pigs. NY: Norton.

Morley, Morris H. 1988. Imperial State and Revolution: The United States and Cuba 1952-86. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Paterson, Thomas. 1994. Contesting Castro: The United States and The Triumph of Cuba. NY: Oxford University Press.

Welch, Richard. 1985. Response to Revolution: The United States and the Cuban Revolution, 1959-61. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

12. British Guiana

Jagan, Cheddi. 1966. The West on Trial: My fight for Guyana’s Freedom. NY: International Publishers, 1966.

Spinner, Thomas J. Jr. 1984. A Political and Social History of Guyana, 1945-83. Boulder: Westview Press.

"The Ordeal of British Guiana," Monthly Review, July-August 1964, pp. 16-19.

13. Brazil

Black, Jan Knippers. 1977. United States Penetration of Brazil.  Philadelphia: U. of Pennsylvania Press.

Leacock, Ruth. 1990. Requiem for Revolution: US and Brazil, 1961-69. Ohio: Kent State University Press.

Parker, Phyllis R. 1979. Brazil and the Quiet Intervention, 1964. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Skidmore, Thomas E. 1967. Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.

14. Dominican Republic

Black, Jan Knippers. 1986. The Dominican Republic: Politics and Development in an Unsovereign State. Boston, Allen and Unwin.

Draper, Theodore. 1968. The Dominican Revolt: A Case Study in American Policy. New York: Commentary.

Gleijeses, Piero. 1978. The Dominican Crisis: The 1965 Constitutionalist Revolt and American Intervention. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Slater, Jerome. 1970. Intervention and Negotiation: The United States and the Dominican Revolution. New York: Harper and Row.

15. Cambodia

Kiernan, Ben. 1996. The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-79. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Osborne, Milton. 1974. Politics and Power in Cambodia: The Sihanouk Years. New York: Longman.

Ponchaud, Francois. 1978. Cambodia Year Zero. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

Shawcross, William. 1979. Side-Show: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia. New York: Simon and Schuster.

Sihanouk, Prince Norodom. My War with the CIA: The Memoirs of Prince Sihanouk. New York: Pantheon Books, 1974.

16. Kurdistan

CIA—The Pike Report. 1977. Nottingham, England: Spokesman Books, for the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, pp. 56, 195-98, 211-17.

Hersh, Seymour. 1983. The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House. New York: Harper and Row. p. 542n.

Safire, William. New York Times columns of 5 Febuary 1976, p. 31, and 12 February 1976, p. 31.

17. Chile

Davis, (Ambassador) Nathaniel. 1985. The Last Two Years of Salvador Allende. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Langguth, A. J. HiddenTerrors: The CIA in South America. NY: Pantheon Books, 1978.

Petras, James and Morris H. Morley. 1975. United States and Chile: Imperialism and the Overthrow of Allende. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Sandford, Robinson Rojas. 1976. The Murder of Allende and the End of the Chilean Way to Socialism. trans. by Andre Conrad. New York: Harper and Row.

U.S.Senate. Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activites (Church Committee). 1975 (18 Decdmber). Staff Report on Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973.


Crocker, Chester. 1992. High Noon in Southern Africa: Making Peace in a Rough Neighborhod New York: W. W. Norton.

Harsch, Tony. 1977. Angola: The Hidden History of Washington’s War. New York: Pathfinder Press.

Marcum, John A. 1978. The Angolan Revolution: vol. 2: 1962-1976) . Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Stockwell, John. 1978. In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story. New York: W. W. Norton.

Wright, George. 1996. The Destruction of a Nation: United States’ Policy toward Angola since 1975. Sterling, VA: Pluto Press.

19. Australia

Barclay, Glen St. John. 1985. Friends in High Places: The Australian-American Security Relationship since 1945. NY: Oxford U. Pres.

Bell, Roger & Phillip. 1993. Implicated:The USi n Australia. NY: OxfordU. Press, 1993.

Coxsedge, Joan, Ken Coldicutt, and Gerry Harrant. 1982. Rooted in Secrecy: The Clandestine Element in Australian Politics. Balwyn North, Victoria, Australia: Committee for the Abolition of Political Police.

Freney, Denis. 1977. The CIA’s Australian Connection. Sydney.

Hall, Richard. 1978. The Secret State. Australia.

20. East Timor

Chamberlain, Michael. 1980, October. East Timor International Conference Report. New York, NY: East Timor Human Rights Committee.

Dunn, James S. 1977 (14 September). East Timor — From Portuguese Colonialism to Indonesian Incorporation. Canberra: Parliament of Australia, Legislative Research Service.

Franke, Ruchard W. 1976. East Timor: The Hidden War. New York, NY: East Timor Defense Committee.

Freney, Denis. 1980. "US-Australian Role in East Timor Genocide," CounterSpy, vol. 4, No.2 (Spring), pp. 10-21.

United States. House of Representatives. Committee on International Relations. Subcomittee on International Organizations (Fraser). 1977 (23 March). Human Rights in East Timor and the Question of the Use of US Equipment by the Indonesian Armed Forces.

21. El Salvador

Agee, Philip. 1981. White Paper Whitewash: The CIA and El Salvador. NY: Deep Cover Books.

Arnson, Cynthia. 1982. El Salvador: A Revolution Confronts the US. Washington: Institute for Policy Studies.

Bonner, Raymond. 1984. Weakness and Deceit: US Policy and El Salvador. NY: Times Books.

McClintock, Michael. 1985. The American Connection: State Terror and Popular Resistance London: Zed Books.

LaFeber, Walter. 1983. Inevitable Revolutions: The US i n Cent. Am. Norton, 1983.

Nairn, Allan. 1984. "Behind the Death Squads," The Progressive, May, pp. 1,20-29.

22. Nicaragua

Burns, T. Bradford. 1987. At War with Nicaragua: The Reagan Doctrine & the Politics of Nostalgia. NY: Harper & Row.

Gutman, Roy. 1988. Banana Diplomacy: Making of USFP in Nicaragua 1981-87. NY: Simon & Schuster.

Melrose, Dianna. 1985. Nicaragua: The Threat of a Good Example. NY: Oxfam.

Morley, Morris H. and James Petras. 1987. The Reagan Admininstration and Nicaragua: How Washington Constructs Its Case for Counterrevolution in Central America. NY: Institute for Media Analysis.

Pastor, Robert A. 1994. Condemned to Repetition: The US & Nicaragua. NY: Princeton University Press.

Walker, Thomas W. (ed.) 1987. Reagan vs. the Sandinistas:The Undeclared War on Nicaragua. Boulder: Westview Press.

23. Grenada

Dunn, Peter M. and Bruce W. Watson (eds.) 1985. American Intervention in Grenada: The Implications of Operation "Urgent Fury". Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Nardin, Terry and Katheleen D. Pritchard. 1990. Ethics and Intervention: The United States in Grenada, 1983. NY: Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, Case Study #2.

Schoenhals, Kai P. and Richard A. Melanson. 1985. Revolution and Intervention in Grenada. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Searle, Chris. 1983. Grenada: The Struggle against Destabilization. NY: W. W. Norton.

24. Libya

Cooley, John K. 1981. "The Libyan Menace," Foreign Policy, Spring, pp. 75-7.

Haley, Edward P. 1984. Qaddafi and the US since 1969. NY: Praeger Publishers.

Hersh, Seymour. 1987. "Target Qaddafi," New York Times Magazine, 22 February, pp. 22ff.

25. Afghanistan

Anwar, Raja. 1988. The Tragedy of Afghanistan: A Firsthand Account. NY: Verso.

Bonoski, Phillip. 1985. Washington’s Secret War against Afghanistan. NY: International Pubs.

Cogan, Chares G. 1993. "Partners in Time: The CIA and Afghanistan since 1979," World Policy Journal, Summer, pp.76ff.

Lohbeck, Kurt. 1993. Holy War, Unholy Victory: Eyewitness to the CIA’s Secret War in Afghanistan. DC: Regnery Gateway.

Vornberg, William. 1987. "Afghan Rebels and Drugs," Covert Action Information Bulletin, No. 28 (Summer), pp. 11-12.

26. Panama

Commission of Inquiry. 1991. The US Invasion of Panama: The Truth behind Operation "Just Cause". Boston: South End Press.

Donnelly, Thomas, Margaret Roth, and Caleb Baker. 1991. Operation Just Cause: The Storming of Panama. New York: Lexington Books.

Kempe, Frederick. 1990. Divorcing the Dictator: America’s Bungled Affair with Noriega. NY: G.P. Putnam’s Sons.

McConnell, Malcolm. 1991. Just Cause: The Real Story of America’s High-Tech Invasion of Panama. NY: St. Martin’s Press.

Scranton, Margaret E. 1991. The Noriega Years: US-Panamanian Relations 1981-90. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publisher.

27. Iraq

Fox, Thomas C. 1991. Iraq: Military Victory, Moral Defeat. Kansas City, MO: Sheed & Ward.

Gordon, Michael and Bernard E. Trainor. 1995. The Generals’ War:The Inside Story of the Conflict in the Gulf. Boston: Little, Brown & Co.

Graubard, Stephen R. 1992. Mr. Bush’s War: Adventures in the Politics of Illusion. NY: Hill and Wang.

Hybel, Alex Roberto. 1993. Power over Rationality: The Bush Administration and the Gulf Crisis. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Smith, Jean Edward. 1992. George Bush’s War. NY: Henry Holt.

28. Somalia

Bowden, Mark. 1999. Black Hawk Down: A Story of Modern War. NY: Atlantic Monthly Press.

Coll, Alberto R. 1997. The Problems of Doing Good: Somalia as a Case Study in Humanitarian Intervention. New York: Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, Case #18.

Crocker, Chester. 1995. "The Lessons of Somalia," Foreign Affairs, May/June, p. 7.

Hirsch, John L. and Robert B. Oakley. 1995. Somalia and Operation Restore Hope: Reflections on Peacemaking and Peacekeeping. Washington: US Institute of Peace.

29. Haiti

North American Council on Latin America (NACLA) (ed.) 1995. Haiti: Dangerous Crossroads Boston: South End Press.

Perusse, Roland I. 1995. Haitian Democracy Restored. University Press of America for the Inter-American Institute.

Ridgeway, James (ed.) 1994. The Haiti Files: Decoding the Crisis. DC: Essential Books.

Shacochis, Bob. 1998. The Immaculate Invasion. NY: Viking Press.

Stotzky, Irwin P. 1997. Silencing the Guns in Haiti: the Promise of Deliberative Democracy. IL: University of Chicago Press.

30. Yugoslavia

Bert, Wayne. 1997. The Reluctant Super Power: US Policy in Bosnia, 1991-95. NY: St. Martin’s Press.

Chomsky, Noam. 1999. The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo. Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press.

Holbrooke, Richard. 1988. To End A War. NY: Random House, 1998.

Rieff, David. 1995. Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of theWest. NY: Touchstone, 1995.