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CIAO DATE: 5/99

Regionalisation and Development in Latin America
Labour Involvement in National and Regional Transformation Processes: The Case of Chile *

Marieke Riethof

Department of Political Science
University of Amsterdam

International Studies Association
40th Annual Convention
Washington, D.C.
February 16–20, 1999

Introduction

‘From Social Alliance to Continental Action’ is the slogan that inspires the activities of the international labour movement in relation to the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas. 1 The issue of labour involvement in regionalisation initiatives calls for an analysis of the national and international or regional context of the position of trade unions. This article intends to connect the study of labour issues with research on regionalisation and restructuring. 2 An analysis of how labour movements deal with national and regional restructuring can show the complexities of contemporary regionalisation. Regionalisation processes and reactions to this should be seen in the context of and in relation to national political and economic systems as well as a global context. The focus of this article is therefore on the connection of regionalisation and the process of national restructuring in Chile, especially Chile’s strategy of ‘open regionalism’ as an integral part of its development strategies. Chile is an important case in the study of the effects of restructuring because it is the first country that introduced neoliberal economic and social policies, so it is possible to study the long-term effects of these policies on the social situation in developing countries.

The first paragraph discusses the position of the Chilean labour movement in a neoliberal political economy. It puts this position in the perspective of social, political and economic aspects of the Chilean model of neoliberalism. The second paragraph discusses the different types of regionalisation that are important for Chile and Latin America and their labour characteristics. Secondly, it deals briefly with the ways in which labour movements in Latin America react to regionalisation processes. The last paragraph draws some theoretical conclusions and issues for further research in relation to the study of regionalisation and labour issues.

 

The Chilean Model and the Position of the Labour Movement

The case of Chile since 1973 is an example of a development strategy aimed at integration by adaptation to the world economy. The Chilean military government, assisted by the Chicago Boys who based themselves on Milton Friedman’s ideas, introduced a neoliberal development strategy in 1976. This strategy, now often called the “Chilean model”, is characterised by attempts to strengthen the role of the private sector and market forces, and to restrict state intervention and other rigidities, such as labour rights and a rigid labour market. 3 Private enterprises and entrepreneurs are seen as the key actor in development. Their interests dominate in the political arena for this reason. It implies that there is less public investment and less state intervention in the functioning of the market mechanism, although state intervention is allowed to ensure macro-economic stability. Promotion of exports based on comparative advantage, trade and an open economy are seen as the path to development. Important restrictions to the possibilities for reform are fear of military intervention, the existence of authoritarian enclaves 4 in the political system and the unwillingness to change the characteristics of the successful Chilean model. Social and labour policies can be related to the Chilean model in the following ways. The role of the state in social and labour policy and economic development is subsidiary. In the case of labour policy, the state provides the legal framework for relations between employers and workers. The market mechanism should preferably regulate employment and wages, while it is the task of the state to provide possibilities for training and social security in the case of unemployment. An important element of this is flexibilisation of labour and the labour market. 5

This lengthy discussion of social, economic and labour aspects of the Chilean economic model is a necessary introduction for an understanding of the centrality of ‘the global’ and ‘the regional’ in this model. The last part of this paragraph and the next paragraph will move from the regional and global aspects of Chile’s national political economy to the regional perspective on development and labour issues, in order to show the interconnections. First of all, the policies and orientations that were described are strongly influence by thinking of the Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL), that functions as a regional think-tank. The CEPAL proposes a strategy that combines economic growth and equity. Insertion in the world economy, open regionalism, an emphasis on the development of human capital and a re-orientation of the role of the state in the economy are all essential aspects. 6 Insertion in the world economy is a central element of Chile’s trade policy. The assumption is that small economies like Chile can benefit from access to the global market, based on expansion of exports: ‘securing a major access to markets in conditions of growing stability, transparency and equality in treatment are the central objectives of an economic and commercial policy of a small country’. 7 International trade is seen as crucial for Chile’s economic development. Imports have increased on an overall basis between 1985 and 1993. Imports from NAFTA and MERCOSUR members and the EU have increased between 1992 and 1995, and imports from Asia decreased. Chile’s exports increased in absolute terms and it is possible to distinguish between economic blocs in this case as well. The EU and Asia are the most important export markets for Chile. NAFTA’s part in exports from Chile decreased and exports to MERCOSUR increased a little. The Asian crisis might well change Chile’s export position as it has had severe effects on Chile’s basic export products fish meal and wood chips. 8

Chile pursues a strategy of open regionalism and strengthening linkages with the world economy. This strategy, reflected in a study by CEPAL, connects the fate of the Chilean economy to association with regionalisation initiatives in order to open new markets for Chilean products. 9 ‘Open regionalism’ is ‘the attempt to link the economic interdependency of Latin American countries to liberalization and deregulation. ... At the same time, open regionalism is directed at regulating and controlling the integration of Latin America in the globalization process and improving the region’s international competitiveness.’ Open regionalism is seen as a way to expand trade and foreign investment in the framework of global free trade. External economic opening and increased international competitivity will lead to restructuring and modernisation of the economy in this view. Another aspect of Chile’s regionalisation strategy is that it prefers to be a member of several free trade areas, for reasons of autonomy in its commercial and economic policy. 10 It is interesting that regionalisation strategies are very prominent in Chile’s economic development model. The existence of many different forms of regional integration in the Americas and connections with other regions, such as East Asia and Europe, point to the importance to analyse ‘regions’ as complex and also open and fluid entities. This can also be seen in the way in which labour and social movements participate in these processes, focusing on certain general themes that can be related to national restructuring, regionalisation and global transformation.

The current position of trade unions can be directly related to repression during the dictatorship, restricted labour rights and the obsolescence of sectors in which trade unionism is traditionally strong (mining and manufacturing). Modern export sectors are less well represented in these numbers, but are more important economically. Temporary workers in precarious work conditions are very common in the growing export agriculture sectors. 11 For example, the mining sector provided 2.3 % of total employment in Chile in 1994, while unionisation rates are 65.7 %. In other sectors, such as agriculture, employment as a percentage of the economically active population is 13.0 % in 1994 and unionisation rates are 13.5 %. The exclusion of flexible and temporary workers from unionisation and the existence of a considerable informal sector points at the fact that trade unions do not represent the majority of the working population. 12 In relation to the economic and social policies discussed above, the following points are worth mentioning. Firstly, the emphasis on a subsidiary role of the state and a key role of private economic actors in development leads to a deterioration of the position of the labour movement in the national political arena on the issues of social and economic development. 13 A large informal sector and a shift in employment from sectors in which unions are traditionally strong to sectors with weak unions reinforces this trend. To organise workers that fall outside the traditional unionism it is important to establish a social alliance between different kinds of social organisations and encompassing different issues, from women’s rights to the position of indigenous people. Secondly, this process of restructuring has diverse implications for sectors of the Chilean economy. It is likely that sectors in which products and services are produced for the domestic market only, will not be affected when imports do not replace these products and services. In sectors or parts of them that have to compete with imports, competitivity and adjustment to international competition becomes important, but it can also lead to the elimination of companies that are not ‘efficient’ enough. Sectors and companies that are able to compete in world and regional markets, often related to multinational capital will probably be proponents of free trade on a regional or even world level. It can be expected, although further research has to be done on this, that this will have consequences on the position that politically powerful representatives of these different sectors will take on regionalisation and economic development policies. The same can be true for the opinions of workers and their trade unions in different sectors.

 

Trade Unions and Regionalisation in Latin America and Chile

After having argued that the position of most workers and especially of trade unions is weak in Chile in the context of neoliberal economic, social and labour policies and repression under the military regime, it is interesting to return to the position of labour and trade unions in the context of regionalisation. One of the problems of this kind of analysis is that it is a recent process and it is not possible to assess all the effects at such an early stage. Regionalisation in Latin America occurred in different contexts. The goal of regional treaties between the 1950s and 1970 was connected to strategies of import substitution, to provide a larger market for industrial products and to facilitate economic growth. Most authoritarian regimes were less inclined to co-operate and relied on an export-oriented strategy. After 1990, there is a resurgence of regional activities. One of the changes that facilitate this resurgence, is macro-economic policy convergence between countries, as they all experienced the severe impact of the debt crisis and the disciplinary structural adjustment programmes of the IMF and the World Bank. Another factor is that the political systems of all countries have changed from authoritarian rule to a (incomplete) democracy. The orientation to export-led development and insertion in the world economy has led to a different nature of regional treaties in the 1990s. The new treaties are aimed at integration in the world economy, and regional free trade areas according to the rules of the WTO, instead of leading to development and import substitution in a regional framework. Some of the positive effects are considered to be a boost to productivity and production resulting from a larger market. Secondly, it is thought to promote co-operation on other issues than economic ones. Furthermore, it could lead to common projects to promote mutual trade and investment. 14 As labour market structures become linked to or integrated in the global system of competition, they loose their exclusively national character. 15 Forms of labour market regulation and labour relations have to compete globally, as national industries become connected to the world economy. There is a strong pressure on labour relations to adapt to competitive pressures. It is important to note that these arguments are also part of the rhetoric and discourse of some politicians and representatives of business in struggles on wages and labour conditions. Some economic sectors are confronted with competitive imports and this is reinforced by strategies of insertion in the world economy and promotion of exports. This will lead to sectoral unemployment, as some economic sectors will decline or have to restructure. Industries and labour markets in different countries become directly linked as a result of foreign investment and the relocation of production of TNCs. 16 In this sense, it is likely that wage negotiations and shifts in management and production strategies in one country affect workers in another country. Another consequence is that the bargaining position of workers in some positions and economic sectors is weakened, as there is a threat of relocation of a company or investments. It should be noted, though, that investment decisions and relocation of production are quite complex and are not only determined by low labour costs. Involvement of labour and other social movements in regionalisation processes and their institutions have to be seen in this context. 17

The following regional treaties are important in the case of Chile. Firstly, Chile is an associate member of MERCOSUR since June 25, 1996. 18 The aim of MERCOSUR is to reach a common market. The goals of the association treaty between Chile and MERCOSUR are the reduction of external trade tariffs to zero, national treatment of investments, physical integration (infrastructure and investment), technological transfer, and free movement of goods and services. 19 Reasons why Chile has chosen not to be a full member of MERCOSUR are fear of macro-economic instability in Argentina and Brazil, the fact that MERCOSUR’s external tariffs are higher than Chile’s (Chile’s trade policy is aimed at further reduction of tariffs) and a reluctance to give up autonomy in the formation of trade policy. 20 Another argument is that the common external tariff of MERCOSUR is higher than Chile’s external tariff (11%). The last important argument is that the Chilean government wants to be able to develop commercial policy autonomously, especially when relations with other regional blocs are involved. Chile’s foreign policy is aimed at integration in as many economic blocs that could benefit economic expansion as possible. One of the most important reasons for Chile to associate itself with MERCOSUR is that it is expected that this will facilitate the “second export phase”. Argentina and Brazil are growing export markets for Chile and exports to these countries are dominated by manufactured products and agro-industrial products. It is expected that association with MERCOSUR will lead to a boost of Chilean manufacturing exports and thus to a qualitative change of economic development. 21

A second important regional treaty is the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The NAFTA-treaty became operational on January 1, 1994. It is likely that its membership will remain restricted to the United States, Canada and Mexico. Although Chile was invited to enter negotiations to become the fourth member, this will not happen within a short period, as the Congress of the United States rejected the expansion of NAFTA in November 1997. Although tariffs are already low for Chilean exports to the US, Chile expected to benefit from lower tariffs for industrial and some agricultural products. Another benefit was derived from the positive image that Chile would have as a member of NAFTA. 22 The main areas of dispute regarding the expansion of NAFTA are the economic consequences of expansion and the negotiation mechanism. The membership of Mexico was associated with a lot of protest. 23 It was feared that a trade treaty with a developing country would lead to social and environmental dumping. In the case of Chile, these issues are less urgent, because of the geographical distance. US protests against expansion should therefore be seen as more symbolic than in the case of Mexico. The negotiation mechanism for expansion of NAFTA, fast-track, led to protests of the US Congress. This mechanism entails that the Congress can not amend treaties with new members, but only accept or reject the complete treaty. This leaves little room for participation of pressure groups. MERCOSUR and NAFTA are often treated as stepping stones to hemispheric free trade.

The Free Trade Agreement for the Americas (FTAA) is a large project for free trade in North and South America, initiated by President Bill Clinton. There are negotiations with all countries of the Americas (except Cuba), but national differences seem to be impeding advancements with the FTAA. This suggests the importance of domestic actors in the formation of economic policies and for differences in the position and behaviour of states in regional co-operation frameworks. Contacts and regular meetings of trade unions and social movements exist in the case of the FTAA (People’s Summit of the Americas), parallel to intergovernmental meetings of representatives of the participating governments. The scope of the issues dealt with is very broad, from the environment, women’s rights, to indigenous people and the rle of the state. 24 This broad scope suggests that conflicting interests exist, not only between issues, but also between organisations from North and South America. The challenge for researchers is to connect the study of this diversity of social movements.

In the case of MERCOSUR, the Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur (CCSCS), has developed a Charter of Fundamental Social Rights in 1993. 25 The CCSCS was established in 1986 by trade unions from Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia and Chile. Its main objective is to provide supranational institutions for workers that reflect the realities of globalisation and regionalisation. Other goals are the maintenance of political democracy, the elaboration of alternatives to neoliberalism, and the formation of trade unions and worker participation on national and regional levels. In relation to MERCOSUR, the CCSCS has established a Comisión Sindical that deals with the co-ordination of trade union strategies in MERCOSUR. One of the demands of the CCSCS is that the MERCOSUR treaty should contain a labour and social dimension and that tripartite negotiation should be possible. There are several formal possibilities for participation of the labour movement and other social actors in the official format of MERCOSUR. Firstly, in the Foro Consultivo Económico-Social (FCES), a tripartite forum, scial and economic actors are represented, and it gives recommendations to the Grupo de Mercado Común (GMC). 26 Secondly, the FCES complements the work of Technical Subgroup 10. This tripartite subgroup deals with the preparation of policy on the issues of labour relations, employment and social security. It does not only deal with the incorporation of labour issues in regional integration, but also with contents of them. In this sense, the Charter is a social programme aimed at the promotion of modernisation and progressive improvement of the position of workers in Latin America. 27 The discussion on the social charter of MERCOSUR has stagnated since 1993.

The participation of the Chilean labour movement in regionalisation initiatives can be seen as an example of the way the regional an the national are connected in the view of this social movement. The nature of this participation is a source of conflict between the Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT) and the Chilean government. For example, the CUT was not invited to participate in the negotiations on APEC. The CUT supports regional trade treaties when they do not oppose the interests of workers and the CUT accepts the assumption that regional integration is necessary for economic and social development. Integration in the world economy should not lead to comparative advantages on the basis of low wages, a weak labour movement and inadequate labour conditions, in the opinion of the labour movement. At the same time, the CUT criticises the influence of multinational companies as a cause of Chile’s extreme income inequality. 28 The participation and co-operation of social actors from different countries is seen as necessary in order to avoid that these processes lead to increasing inequalities. 29 In February 1994, the American trade union federation AFL-CIO and the CUT developed a common declaration on NAFTA and regionalisation. Because the Chilean economy does not affect American employment as much as Mexican competition, there is more contact between the CUT and the AFL-CIO than with Mexican trade unions. They state that TNCs and financial interests are protected and legitimised by the argument of competitiveness. They also declare that a bilateral treaty is preferable, as fast-track negotiation would not leave much space for labour involvement. The labour side agreement is rejected, as it does not enforce labour rights and as its legal mechanisms are quite inefficient. 30 Contacts of the CUT with international and regional labour organisations, such as the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), the Interamerican Regional Organisation of Workers (IROW), support of the ILO, and direct contacts with trade unions in other countries, have an important influence on the way in which the CUT develops its viewpoints. After this combination of a discussion on the national and the regional position of the Chilean labour movement, the conclusions will put forward some general theoretical points.

 

Conclusions

The choice for labour issues as an approach to the study of restructuring and regionalisation has its origin in the lack of attention to the people who actually produce the goods that are so important for economic growth and development. Globalisation of production means that workers often have to compete internationally on the basis of low wages and worsening labour conditions. Improvement of the international competitiveness of companies and states is one of the most important motives for economic restructuring. This often entails, depending on whether a company is competitive or not, a freeze or decline of wages and restrictions of labour rights and participation of workers. Restructuring not only affects workers and their organisations at the economic level, but also at the political level. The organisation of production and labour relations is an essential part of economic development strategies and national political systems.

Besides the diversity of effects of globalisation and restructuring on economic sectors and companies that was mentioned in paragraph 1, a structural segmentation of employment can also be hypothesised. This becomes especially clear when one compares subsistence agriculture with modern export sectors that are often characterised by high productivity and advanced technology. Another aspect is the rise of unemployment and precarious employment. 31 Structural adjustment programmes and transition to an export-oriented model have a strong impact on the composition of the work force and the position of trade unions; productive reconversion and reallocation of resources to the export industry; modernisation of production organisation; privatisation of public enterprises; and labour market flexibility. 32 It is likely that the processes of globalisation and regionalisation will intensify the effects of structural adjustment. Technological development, transnationalisation of production and globalisation have several consequences for the relations between capital and labour. A very fruitful approach to the effects of restructuring, globalisation and regionalisation is therefore to look at differentiation and forms of collective representation and action related to this.

A second point that has to be taken into consideration is that an approach that links national and regional experiences of labour movements and more in general, social movements, can provide the kind of analytical depth that is needed for a complex understanding of transformation in the contemporary world. On the one hand, the localised effects of globalisation can be studied. On the other hand, this kind of analysis shows that the framework for activities of social movements and economic, social and labour policy-making becomes more and more something that goes beyond national borders. A third issue for further research is the relationship between different kinds of social movements in their activities on a regional level. As was already mentioned, a large variety of social organisations and groups participate in the People’s Summit of the Americas. Their connections and sometimes conflicting interests call for an effort by scholars to integrate the study of ‘new’ and ‘old’ social movements. It seems that border-crossing issues are especially useful for an analysis of social alliances on a continental level.

 

Endnotes

*: Paper presented at the 40th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, 16–20 February 1999, Washington D.C.  Back.

Note 1: ORIT-ICFTU, From Social Alliance to Continental Action, Contribution of the ORIT-ICFTU to the Document of the People’s Summit of the Americas, www-document, http://members.tripod.com/~redchile/cumeng.htm, Santiago de Chile, April 18, 1998.  Back.

Note 2: Restructuring is seen here as both economic and political. It implies a shift in power relations between and a redefinition of the state, society and the private sector, often in favour of the latter. Neoliberalism and democratisation processes is the framework in which these changes take place. In Latin America, external actors, such as multinational corporations, international financial institutions and powerful states as the US play an important role in this process.  Back.

Note 3: J Ramos, Neoconservative Economics in the Southern Cone of Latin America, 1973-1983, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986, pp 2-9.  Back.

Note 4: One of the most important of the authoritarian enclaves is a group of eight designated senators (including former dictator Pinochet) who can block unwanted reforms. See also, J Petras and F Leiva, Democracy and Poverty in Chile: The Limits to Electoral Politics, Boulder (CO): Westview Press, 1994.  Back.

Note 5: On this topic see R Agacino and M Echeverría (eds), Flexibilidad y condiciones de trabajo precarias, Santiago de Chile: PET, 1995.  Back.

Note 6: Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL), El regionalismo abierto en América Latina y el Caribe: La Transformación económica al servicio de la transformación productiva con equidad, Santiago: CEPAL, 1994a; CEPAL, América Latina y el Caribe: Políticas para mejorar la inserción en la economía mundial, Santiago: CEPAL, 1995. CEPAL, Open Regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean: Economic Integration as a Contribution to Changing Production Patterns with Social Equity, Santiago de Chile: CEPAL, 1994b.  Back.

Note 7: C Celedón and R E Saéz, Características y perspectivas de los acuerdos regionales en las Americas en los noventa, Notas Técnicas no 162, Santiago de Chile: CIEPLAN, 1995, p 41-42. Translations from Spanish were made by the author.  Back.

Note 8: For information on exports and imports see, Banco Central de Chile, Boletín Mensual, various dates. For an analysis of these data see, Celedón and Saéz, op cit; J Ruiz-Tagle, ‘La integración regional y el ingreso al NAFTA: consecuencias para los trabajadores’, Economía y Trabajo en Chile, Informe Anual 1994-1995, no 5, Santiago de Chile, Programa de Economía del Trabajo, 1995. S Yañez and D Lopez, ´Globalización, reestructuración competitiva y empleo´, Economía y Trabajo en Chile, Informe Anual 1995-1996, no 6, Santiago de Chile, Programa de Economía del Trabajo, 1996. Information on Foreign Direct Investment in Chile can be found in O Caputo, La inversión extranjera directa en la economía chilena: algunas implicancias económicos y sociales, Santiago de Chile, Universidad ARCIS, 1994. On the effects of the Asian crisis, Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL), Impacto de la crisis Asiática en América Latina, Oranjestad (Aruba): CEPAL, 1998.  Back.

Note 9: A E Fernandez Jilberto and B Hogenboom, ‘Latin American Experiences with Open Regionalism’, International Journal of Political Economy, 26(4), Winter 1996-1997, p 3. See also CEPAL, op cit, 1994a; CEPAL, op cit, 1994b; CEPAL, op cit, 1995.  Back.

Note 10: P Bustos, ‘Las condicionantes macroeconomicas de la región y la cuestión social’, Chile-MERCOSUR y estrategias sindicales en la región, J Ensignia and H Sassenfeld (eds), Santiago: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 1996, p 67; J Ensignia, ‘Chile-MERCOSUR y estrategias sindicales en la región’, in Ensignia and Sassenfeld, op cit, p 2; Celedón and Saéz, op cit,p 42.  Back.

Note 11: M Espinosa, Tendencias sindicales: Análisis de una década, Cuadernos de Investigación, no 2, Santiago de Chile: Dirección del Trabajo, 1996. Dirección del Trabajo, Cómo operan las normas de negociación colectiva y de organizaciones sindicales: Resultados de un estudio empírico, Cuadernos de Investigación, no 1, Santiago de Chile: Dirección del Trabajo, 1996. On the analysis of economic groups and their power relations, see, W Peres (ed), Grandes empresas y grupos industriales latinoamericanos: Expansión y desafíos en la era de la apertura y la globalización, Madrid and Mexico D.F.: Siglo Veintiuno, 1998.  Back.

Note 12: M Riethof, Globalization, Neoliberal Restructuring and Labour Relations: The Case of Chile, Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 1997, p 104.  Back.

Note 13: See for a comparison with the period before 1973, R Berins Collier and D Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991; P Drake, Socialism and Populism in Chile: 1932-1952, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1978.  Back.

Note 14: G Rosenthal, ‘Regional Integration in the 1990s’, Cepal Review, no 50, August, 1993, pp 15-16.  Back.

Note 15: M Wannöffel, ´Regulación laboral en el proceso de la integración económica en América Latina´, in Ruptura en las relaciones laborales, M Wannöffel (ed), Caracas, Nueva Sociedad /Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 1995, pp 11-12.  Back.

Note 16: L Palomares and L Mertens, ´El movimiento sindical ante los cambios en la práctica productiva´, Revista de Economía y Trabajo, 1(1), Jan-June 1993, p 127.  Back.

Note 17: J Godio, ‘Políticas laborales de la Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur (CCSCS) en las instituciones de la integración (1991-1996)’, in Ensignia and Sassenfeld, op cit, p 115; J Ruiz-Tagle, ‘La integración regional y el ingreso al NAFTA: Consecuencias para los trabajadores’, Economía y Trabajo en Chile, Informe Anual 1994-1995 no 5, Santiago: Programa de Economía del Trabajo, 1995, pp 52.  Back.

Note 18: The main members are Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. It became officially operational on January 1, 1995 as a free trade zone and customs union.  Back.

Note 19: Ensignia, op cit, pp 8-10, Ministerio de Economía, ‘Chile y MERCOSUR: Al borde del libre comercio’, ZonaPublica, no 8, 1996, p 5.  Back.

Note 20: Yañez, op cit, p 89; E Rivera, Modelo económico e inserción internacional de Chile: Lo procesos de integración en América Latina, Serie Publicaciones Debate Sindical, no 4, Santiago de Chile: Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 1995, p 7.  Back.

Note 21: Ministerio de Economía, op cit, pp 5-8; Ruiz-Tagle, op cit, 1995, pp 48-49.  Back.

Note 22: Ministerio de Economía, ‘NAFTA: Razones y desafíos’, Zona Publica, no 2, April 1995, pp 5-6.  Back.

Note 23: Protest in the US was organised by a wide variety of organisations, such as trade unions, environmental organisations, farmers, and far right groups. These groups have also played an important role in the ultimate rejection of the expansion of NAFTA. In Mexico, protests were especially exemplified by the insurrection of native farmers in Chiapas (Zapatistas). See also M E Rupert, ‘(Re)Politicizing the Global Economy: Liberal Common Sense and Ideological Struggle in the US NAFTA Debate’, Review of International Political Economy, 2(4), 1995, pp 658-692.  Back.

Note 24: For regional trade union activities in 1998 see Summit of the Peoples of America, Towards a Continental Social Alliance, Documents, Santiago, Chile, 15-18 April 1998 (http://members.tripod.com/~redchile/indice.htm).  Back.

Note 25: Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur (CCSCS), Carta de los derechos fundamentales del MERCOSUR: Propuesta de los trabajadores, mimeo, December 1993.  Back.

Note 26: The GMC consists of the Presidents of the Central Banks of MERCOSUR countries. The highest institution is the Consejo Mercado Común (CMC), whose members are the Ministers of Economy.  Back.

Note 27: Godio, op cit, pp 100-104, 109-110, 112-114; Bustos, op cit, p 69.  Back.

Note 28: Central Unitária de Trabajadores, Resoluciones II Congreso Programático, mimeo, Santiago de Chile: 22-24 May 1997, p 36.  Back.

Note 29: A Martínez, ‘Movimiento sindical y globalización’, in Chile-MERCOSUR, opus cit., pp 34-35. M Rozas, ‘La CUT y el MERCOSUR’, in Ensignia and Sassenfeld, op cit, pp 40-43.  Back.

Note 30: M Albuquerque, Implicancias del factor laboral en un eventual tratado de libre comercio con Estados Unidos, Documento de Trabajo no 43, Santiago: Corporación 2000, Programa de Estudios Prospectivos, 1994, pp 23-24. Ruiz-Tagle, opus cit., pp 53.  Back.

Note 31: J Godio, Reflexiones sobre los desafíos del sindicalismo, Crítica y Comunicación, no 5, 1991, pp 6-9. K Koonings, D Kruijt and F Wils, ‘The Very Long March of History’, in Globalization and Third World Trade Unions: The Challenge of Rapid Economic Change, H Thomas (ed), London and New Jersey, Zed Books, 1995, pp 103-105, 109. For a very useful analysis of categories of workers and their representation, see also R W Cox, Production, Power, and World Order: Social Forces in the Making of History, New York: Columbia University Press, 1987.  Back.

Note 32: L Geller, ‘Labour Market Adaptation: Towards an Action Agenda’, in Towards Social Adjustment: Labour Market Issues in Structural Adjustment, G Standing and V Tokman (eds), Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 1991, p 186.  Back.