Morgenthau's Odyssey: Culture, Travel and the Transformation of Identity ₁

Birgit Weiss

International Studies Association
March 1998

"If we rethink culture and its science, anthropology, in terms of travel, then the organic, naturalizing bias of the term culture - seen as a rooted body that grows, lives, dies, etc. - is questioned. Constructed and disputed historicities, sites of displacement, interference, and interaction, come more sharply into view" ₂ .

I would like to start my paper by sharing with you some ideas about traveling and culture. My intention is not to give you the complete picture of the issue "travel" related to "gender" and/or "International Relations". Rather, I'd like to offer you bits and pieces to enable you to put together a new (?) picture of the world.

Modernity brought with it a variety of forms of displacement: leisure travel, exploration, expatriation, exile, homelessness, and immigration, to name a few. Questions of travel ₃ have quite a long tradition in cultural anthropology and literature. Since identity and culture have recently become important issues in the discipline of International Relations (IR) ₄ , the discourse on displacement in the international context is also underway (e.g. in this panel!). There is a lot of talking about displacement in postcolonial, postmodern and poststructuralist theory recently. It started as a part of the discourse in cultural anthropology - e.g. James Clifford's famous essay on 'traveling cultures'. In sociology, tourism and geography there are also interesting discussions going on at the moment. ₅

In modern culture in general and in literature in particular, questions of travel and migrancy were always important motivations for cultural and artistic expressions. Nowadays, postmodern and other critical theories use the language game of travel and homelessness for their articulations of theoretical thought. Fair enough, if we think of the world we live in at the end of the twentieth century: everything is under constant change, not many stabilities remain, especially in the field of international relations where there was at least some kind of stability due to the bipolar system which lasted for decades. The spirit of transformation and change is touching the societies (also) from inside, it is evoking a renaissance for questions of culture and identity. In this era, many theorists try to escape the borders of conventional thinking, for it constrains them to certain ways of thinking, and they start to rethink how to overcome borders.

Experiences of exiles ...

Experiences of migrants, refugees and exiles which had affected much of contemporary reasoning were one concept theorists started to look at and work with. Distance characterized their state of being and forced them to overcome borders and barriers, especially those in language and culture. ₆ There was no point of departure exiles could return to, the experience of homelessness determined their lives from then on (either for some time or forever), and new points of reference had to be found.

As Edward Said remarks:

"The exile knows that in a secular and contingent world, homes are always provisional. Borders and barriers which enclose us within the safety of familiar territory can also become prisons, and are often defended beyond reason or necessity. Exiles cross borders, break barriers of thought and experience." ₇ .

The uprootedness and homelessness exiles experience show also that if the system of coordinates gets mixed up there is no place where one could feel "safe" even though this person might have successfully escaped a war or political persecutions. Adorno's exile experiences reflect this ambivalence: "Distance is not a safety zone but a field of tension" ₈ .

Caren Kaplan observes that the discourse of exile refers to the same (kind of) experience - deep emotions that derive from separation, not only from persons, but also from locations and "homelands":

"When critics write of exile, they refer to an experience that triggers strong responses. To be separated from the person or location that one loves best or knows most intimately is an unbearable condition. Because each living being knows the pain of separation and loss on some level, the deployment of exile as a metaphor cathects modern subjects in a profoundly primal way" ₉ .

Kaplan views the concept of travel as modern whereas "displacement" stands for the postmodernist concept. Both - modern and postmodern thoughts - are part of the discourse. She also perceives similarities as well as differences between modernist exile and postmodernist migrancy, and she sees self-reflexive and deconstructive capacities within the concept of exile as cultural criticism.

"Deconstructing the discourse of exile requires imagining distance in less binary and more complicated ways. In the age of telecommunication and transnational cultural production this might mean that distance is not only a safety zone or a field of tension but a terrain that houses new subjects of criticism" ₁₀ .

... and theories of travel

The discourse of exile is recently mostly subsumed under the broader discussion that embraces questions of travel. Travel experiences have much prestige as sources of power and knowledge in a wide range of societies, Western and non-Western. ₁₁ Even more, travel and mobility are often seen in the context of freedom:

"Mobility is one of the aspects of freedom, and as such it is something new and exciting for women: being free to move around, to go where one wants to is a right that women have only just started to gain" ₁₂ .

Travel as a concept is not free of connotations: it is in the first place related to (and also heavily criticized as) a "history of European, literary, male, bourgeois, scientific, heroic, recreational, meanings and practices" ₁₃ .

But there is a second category of "travelers", people who haven't been acknowledged as such and most of the times travel out of other reasons than the classical ones attributed to travelers. That is, they don't practice "leisure travel" but move for reasons of exploration, expatriation, exile, homelessness, and immigration. Clifford argues that "while there is no ground of equivalence between the two 'travelers', there is at least a basis for comparison and (problematic) translation" ₁₄ .

"The project of comparison would have to grapple with the evident fact that travelers move about under strong cultural, political, and economic compulsions and that certain travelers are materially privileged, others oppressed. These different circumstances are crucial determinations of the travel at issue-movements in specific colonial, neo-colonial, and postcolonial circuits, different diasporas, borderlands, exiles, detours and returns. Travel, in this view, denotes a range of material, spatial practices that produce knowledges, stories, traditions, comportments, musics, books, diaries, and other cultural expressions" ₁₅ .

Even though Caren Kaplan acknowledges Clifford's efforts in "traveling cultures" to find more particular and less universal statements about travel, still she claims that the concept of "travel" will always carry the burden of a Euro-American historical context:

"That is, 'travel', as it is used in Euro-American criticism, cannot escape the historical legacies of capitalist development and accumulation, of imperialist expansion, and of inequities of numerous kinds" ₁₆ .

bell hooks also appreciates Clifford's effort to make the term "travel" more "inclusive", but it remains Western in its nature, strongly related to social and political power:

"Travel is not a word that can be easily evoked to talk about the Middle Passage, the Trail of Tears, the landing of Chinese immigrants, the forced relocation of Japanese Americans, or the plight of the homeless" ₁₇ .

It is absolutely necessary to be aware of all these contradictions when writing about travel, exile and displacement. Nonetheless, I am convinced that experiences of travel and distance support us to overcome mental borders, help us to change the lenses to see our world(s) in a different way. In this sense, traveling contributes to certain transformations of identities to the extent that experiencing dislocation and homelessness requests developing new systems of coordinates.

Travel and IR

The discipline of IR only recently discovered travel as a concept that might also be useful in analyzing international relations, encounters of (and with) "others". Naeem Inayatullah and David L. Blaney formulate the questions that stand at the beginning of such a discussion within the discipline:

"Why do we travel? What motivates us to seek others? Which meanings do we seek and which do we bring to our encounters with others? While these are not the usual questions motivating international relations theory they are, nevertheless, consequential and perhaps crucial". ₁₈

What they hope to find through theories of travel has also to do with limits and ways to expose them:

"We suspect that our worldview, our culture, and our self are partial, parochial, and perhaps invalid in some significant way. Travel, then, works through this tension. Through critical conversation we require others both to affirm the veracity and to expose the limits of our vision. Thus the discovery of the other is not incidental but necessary to our quest for meaning and wholeness" ₁₉ .

One of Inayatullah's and Blaney's conclusions is that "we need to move away from state-of-nature constructions and toward the actual world history of cultural contact" ₂₀ . I would go further: The physical contact Inayatullah and Blaney mention, the moving body dimension, the experiences of all senses is necessary for a better understanding of international relations.

Since the discourse of theories of travel is only at the beginning in the discipline of IR, I think that it is necessary to contribute some case studies, even though this approach might be criticized as "very modern". This is one purpose of this paper. Another goal is to show how theories of travel might throw light on Morgenthau's biography. Although that aspect was long neglected in international theory - not only by others, but also by himself -, I will show that his cultural experiences dominated his life. Morgenthau's identity (in IR) was constructed as American. But he arrived in the US when he was already 33 years old - which identity did he have before? Why was he more "successful" in assimilating than other immigrants? A third aspect will be to ask if his gender identity has influenced his biography and look at the role his wife played in this regard.

Morgenthau's odyssey

Morgenthau's exile situation is only to a certain extent comparable to the situation of other continental European migrants even though most IR people know very little about his history and therefore think that his fate was the same as theirs. They see that Morgenthau's life and work wasn't free of contradictions ₂₁ but there was not enough information so theorists could not explore it further ₂₂ .

Where did this odyssey of thirteen years start? It began, like so many other migrant stories, in Germany but it began earlier than many of these. ₂₃

Morgenthau obtained his doctor's degree in 1929 (the final title of his thesis reads: The International Judicial Function: Its Nature and its Limits). Shortly after, he started his university career, which meant that he had to write a postdoctoral thesis required for qualification as an university lecturer. His financial problems started when his father refused to support him any longer, and he had to look for a job. In the early 30s, the situation in Germany was bad. There were too many university lecturers, and the fact that he was Jewish made it even more difficult for him as a prospective lawyer in the public service - law was Morgenthau's original profession. In 1931/32, his supervisor heard about an opening at the Faculty of Law in Geneva. Since he couldn't find work elsewhere he left Germany in 1932 and went to Geneva - only for a short time, he believed. He didn't know then that he would never come back to live in his native country.

Geneva

In Geneva, he had lots of troubles, concerning his lectures (partly also due to language problems), his financial and health situation, his approach to international law, and the general climate. He was working at the law school which had always had professors for the German students who went there to learn French while continuing their legal studies. But some of the German professors as well as some of his students were Nazis, and they gave him a terrible time. Morgenthau couldn't stay in Geneva for longer but the situation in Germany had changed in the meantime - Hitler was already ruling in Germany- so he wasn't able to go back, he had to find some other place to go. In 1934 he was searching for a new beginning. Letters written during that time demonstrate Morgenthau's insecurity. ₂₄ He asked for University jobs in Persia, Afghanistan, South America and Palestina, the competition in the US seemed to heavy for him, he said about himself that this wouldn't be his style. If he would have left Europe at that time then most probably to Palestina but inwardly he hoped to be able to stay in Europe.

Madrid

When there was an opening in Madrid in 1935, Morgenthau went to Spain. He was working at the Institute for International and Economic Studies, it was his first paid job. He learned to know many influential people, who later formed the cr¸me de la cr¸me of the Spanish foreign policy. And he enjoyed the Spanish lifestyle:

"I did very little work. Nobody did much work. There was an enormous amount of talk and very little work. [...]After lunch you would go to a cafe, and professors and politicians and writers and actors and so forth would sit around a big table and talk forever. [...] It was extremely pleasant, there was an enormous freedom in every respect, real vitality, an enormous joy in the sensual part of life." ₂₅

Morgenthau married his long-standing girlfriend Irma Thormann. Since they first met in Munich, in 1924, they had written over 1.000 letters to each other, and Irma had helped her future husband also financially. In the summer 1936 they went to Italy for a late honeymoon. There were rumors about a military revolt in Spain, but everybody thought it would last only a couple of days. Well, as we all know, the Civil War lasted longer than that, and they couple could not go back to Spain. Additionally, a bomb crushed into their apartment house and destroyed much of their belongings (although, fortunately, Morgenthau's papers were not destroyed and they received the boxes five years later), and they also lost everything they had in a banksafe in Madrid.

Europe

The following year, Hans Morgenthau and his wife Irma were on an odyssey through Europe. Morgenthau first tried to find a job somewhere else - even in South America - but this was impossible. Finally, Morgenthau decided to try it in the USA.

"In the light of his later career it does not lack a certain irony that Morgenthau considered the United States as a possible destination only last - as a less-than-ideal solution, so to speak. The thought [...] of making America to a new home did not enthusiast him" ₂₆ .

But the troubles did not end after this decision was made. Now, the couple had to get visas which was complicated not only because of the anti-Semitism of a number of American consuls but also because the U.S. Embassy in Madrid had jurisdiction over him since he his (last) domicile was in Spain.

"I remember that the American consul in Amsterdam simply said 'Why don't you go back to Madrid?' and I said 'Don't you know that Madrid is under siege?' - He said 'That's not my business - if you can't get it in Madrid, you can't get it.' And so I went from place to place without success ..." ₂₇ .

The locations of Morgenthau's odyssey (as far as known): Amsterdam, Meran, The Hague, Geneva, Amsterdam, Paris, Geneva.

Finally, because of favorable circumstances and the help of a rich relative of Irma in the States, they got the visas in Geneva, and in summer 1937, Morgenthau and his wife took the ship to the new continent. His next stations: first New York, then Kansas. During the first years he experienced the problems of immigration: finding a job, working in a new language. Six years later he went to the University of Chicago, the place where he finally would be successful in his career.

Morgenthau's influence on (US) mainstream IR

With his three "classical" books, especially Politics Among Nations (1948), Morgenthau became kind of an "opinion leader" in international politics. He stands for a tradition: "His name became increasingly associated with a specific outlook and political program: 'political realism.'" ₂₈ . Morgenthau did not found a new school but he became an eloquent spokesmen for political realism. He also influenced the development of IR in the United States. Therefore he is often called one of the "founding fathers" of American realism after WW II. In Tickner's opinion, he made the case for a scientific international theory (Morgenthau 1946: Scientific Man vs. Power Politics) ₂₉ , but:

"Just as he was not considered scientific enough by many subsequent international theorists, Morgenthau was himself ambivalent about the turn to science in American international theory" ₃₀ .

Morgenthau's identity in transformation:

My main thesis here is that Morgenthau's identity underwent a substantial change, and not least his odyssey - his "travel experiences" in terms of Clifford's second category of travelers - contributed a lot to this identity transformation. Alfons Soellner also remarks this identity transformation. From his point of view, Morgenthau's identity changed from a "liberal in Weimar" to an "American Conservative" ₃₁ .

I would argue that at first the dominant part of his identity was German. He was Jewish but his family lived a very assimilated life and they didn't practice the religion. During his odyssey years, Morgenthau's identity was unclear, diffuse - he was uprooted, couldn't go back to Germany, but didn't belong to and couldn't stay where he was either, especially in Geneva. Only in Spain he was able to find some peace for some months. When he ended up in the US he was so disappointed by the developments in Germany, the political situation in Europe (and the inability of international law to change the situation), and all the experiences "on the road" that whereas many of the European ˇmigrˇs had difficulties in their new environment, Morgenthau assimilated quite easily (even though it took him six years): once he had found some kind of "home" (again) in Chicago he became part of it - he even didn't teach his children German! Probably he even became an ex-patriate in Kaplan's sense of the word.

Morgenthau's concept of power revisited

"Power is it, this new virtue; a ruling thought is it, and around it a subtle soul: a golden sun, with the serpent of knowledge around it" ₃₂ .

Morgenthau was convinced that politics is essentially a struggle for power ₃₃ , and in his most famous book, Politics Among Nations, he explains this conviction by saying:

"... the struggle for power is universal in time and space and is an undeniable fact of experience ... Even though anthropologists have shown that certain primitive people seem to be free from desire for power, nobody has yet shown how their state of mind and the conditions under which they live can be recreated on a worldwide scale so as to eliminate the struggle for power from the international scene" ₃₄ .

If you don't participate in the struggle, he further argues, you would simply fall victim to the power of others. In other words, you have to participate to survive.

Ann Tickner, who wrote a famous feminist critique on Morgenthau's principles of political realism, believes that his concept of power stands for "the power of man over man" ₃₅ . To understand power as domination, as "power over" the other is a one-sided, masculine concept. It reflects only masculine experience and therefore neglects possible alternative understandings of power derived from female experience.

Among such alternative concepts of power are concepts such as "power with" and "empowerment". Particularly interesting in this regard is Hannah Arendt's contribution. ₃₆ She defines power as the "human ability to act in concert, or actions which is taken in connection with others who share similar concerns" ₃₇ .

William Connolly contributes another interesting dimension to the discussion of power concepts: he distinguishes between "power over" and the "power to do or attain something" - here he quotes Hobbes and his classical definition of "power to" in Leviathan: "The power of a man (to take it universally) is his present means to obtain some future end" ₃₈ -, and the further question of responsibility.

Of course there are a lot more concepts of power which I have to leave unmentioned here. What I wanted to show is that general political and historical experiences of the time but also his personal experience influenced Morgenthau's formulation of his own conception of power: it is a male one but it also reflects his personal experience with power ("power over") and the way he himself dealt with having no power at all.

Another feminist reformulation

Feminism (not only) in IR challenges the core assumptions, concepts, and ontological presuppositions of the field, and makes claims of gender bias ₃₉ . As mentioned earlier, Tickner analyzed Morgenthau's concept of power in a very famous article ten years ago. ₄₀ Now, I would like to show that gender played an important role in Morgenthau's biography.

One finding of feminist research is the difference and unequalness of role expectations which have contributed to fundamental inequalities between women and men in the world of international politics. This means that women cannot be studied in isolation of men ₄₁ . It also means that men should not be studied in isolation of women.

In Morgenthau's case, I think it is fair enough to say that if he had been a woman he would not have been able to become the famous Hans Morgenthau as we know him today. This doesn't mean that at that time (i.e. after WWI) women had no choice at all. Hannah Arendt was about the same generation as Morgenthau, growing up in Germany at the same time. But again, I think it is fair to say that Arendt's life and career was an exception from the "ordinary" gender role expectation of that time. In addition to Morgenthau's advantage of his gender and gender role expectations, it is absolutely important to emphasize the role of Morgenthau's wife Irma for his life and career.

Irma Thormann

Since he had no sister (he was the only child) it is not permissible to compare his life with somebody else's but to a certain extent the argument can be shown by talking about Irma Thormann, Morgenthau's wife. Without her support, the family wouldn't have survived, and his late career in the US would have been very difficult to obtain.

In the beginning of their relationship she was not only supporting him in terms of love, comfort and letters but contributed also very high amounts of financial support when he was still studying in Germany and teaching in Geneva. Later, she was following him on his odyssey, until they finally married in Madrid. When they had to seek refuge it were her relatives who helped them to emigrate to the United States. There, she was the one who took care of their two little children without almost any support of her husband while he was working on his first books.

Morgenthau himself does not acknowledge the importance of his wife for his own life and career, at least not in public. Even in Morgenthau's interview with Bernard Johnson, he didn't mention his wife (personally); only once he quotes a night watchman in Kansas City who says something about Morgenthau's wife. Apart from dedications of books, the role of the wives (not only) of IR theorists is seldom recognized whereas the role of husbands and partners in general plays an important part in the life of female theorists, and they (more) often recognize that and contribute to it.

Synopsis?

I would like to end this paper by quoting Caren Kaplan again. In the foreword of her book, Questions of Travel, she writes about her ambivalent feelings regarding the concept of travel:

"(t)ravel can be confusing, distance can be illusory, and difference depends very much on one's point of view" ₄₂ .

The quote at the beginning expresses Kaplan's dark side of her ambivalence concerning the concept of travel. On the other side she believes that "(d)istance gives needed perspective, [...] difference leads to insight, and that travel is quite figuratively 'broadening'" ₄₃ .

I share Kaplan's ambivalence not least because I discovered that many people criticize the approach built upon travel and displacement because it seems "elitist" to them or say that not all people travel and experience and learn only the "good things" mentioned and I think they are right.

I am convinced that we are able to learn, to change perspectives, to gain insight without traveling. But: traveling and displacement, physical, sensual and cultural distance are very supportive in this regard, and these concepts could also help to construct our pictures of the world in a different way.

And this, in turn, would be a good start for reconstructing international relations.

---

Notes:

Note 1: I would like to thank Krista Hunt for organizing this interesting panel, Lisa Rosenblatt, Sandy Hedinger and Birgit Locher-Dodge for discussions at various stages of the paper, and Margaret Leahy for giving me the initial idea to write it. Back.

Note 2: Clifford, James (1992), "Traveling Cultures", in: Grossberg, Lawrence/Cary Nelson/Paula A. Treichler (eds.), Cultural Studies, London and New York (Routledge), 101 Back.

Note 3: cf. Kaplan, Caren (1996), Questions of Travel. Postmodern Discourses of Displacement, Durham & London (Duke University Press) Back.

Note 4: for a prominent example see the reader edited by Yosef Lapid and Friedrich Kratochwil, (1996), The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory, Boulder, Co. Back.

Note 5: e.g. Rojek, Chris/John Urry (eds.) (1997), Touring Cultures. Transformations of Travel and Theory, London and New York (Routledge) Back.

Note 6: "languaculture", cf. Agar, Michael (1994), Language Shock. Understanding the Culture of Conversation, New York Back.

Note 7: Said, Edward (1990), "Reflections on Exile", in: Ferguson, Russell/Marta Gever/Trinh T. Minh-ha/Cornel West (eds.), Out there, Marginalization and Contemporary Cultures, Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 365, cf. Chambers, Iain (1994), Migrancy, Culture, Identity, London and New York (Routledge), chapter 1 Back.

Note 8: Adorno, Theodor (1974), Minima Moralia: Reflections from a Damaged Life, London, 127, quoted after Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 101 Back.

Note 9: Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 141 Back.

Note 10: Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 142 Back.

Note 11: James Clifford points out Mary Helms' book, Ulysses' Sail; (1988), "a broadly comparative study of the cultural uses of geographical distance and the power/knowledge gained in travel (a study focused on male experiences)", Clifford, "Traveling Cultures", 106 Back.

Note 12: Braidotti, Rosi (1994), Nomadic Subjects. Embodiment and Sexual Difference in Contemporary Feminist Theory, New York, 257 Back.

Note 13: Clifford, "Traveling Cultures", 106 Back.

Note 14: Clifford, "Traveling Cultures", 107 Back.

Note 15: Clifford, "Traveling Cultures", 108 Back.

Note 16: Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 131 Back.

Note 17: hooks, bell (1992), "Representations of Whiteness", in: Black Looks: Race and Representation, Boston (South End Press), quoted after: Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 131 Back.

Note 18: Inayatullah, Naeem/David L. Blaney (1997), "Knowing Encounters: Beyond Parochialism in International Relations Theory", in: Lapid, Yosef/Friedrich Kratochwil, The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory, Boulder, Co., 65 Back.

Note 19: Inayatullah/Blaney, "Knowing Encounters", 65f Back.

Note 20: Inayatullah/Blaney, "Knowing Encounters", 82 Back.

Note 21: e.g. Kenneth Thompson who talks about Morgenthau's inner tensions, in: Thompson, Kenneth/Robert J. Myers (eds.) (1984), Truth or Tragedy. A Tribute to Hans J. Morgenthau, New Brunswick and London (Transaction Books) Back.

Note 22: exception: George, Jim (1994): Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations, Boulder. Back.

Note 23: Christoph Frei did a very good job by writing Morgenthau's early biography: Frei, Christoph (1993), Hans J. Morgenthau. Eine intellektuelle Biographie, Bern. Back.

Note 24: cf. Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau. Back.

Note 25: Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, 62. Back.

Note 26: Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, 67 - translation by BW. Back.

Note 27: 27 Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, 68. Back.

Note 28: Soellner, Alfons (1987a), "German Conservatism in America: Morgenthau's Political Realism", in: Telos, 72, 163 (special issue on Carl Schmitt). Back.

Note 29: cf. Tickner, J. Ann (1997), "You Just Don't Understand: Troubled Engagements Between Feminists and IR Theorists", in: International Studies Quarterly, 41, 618. Back.

Note 30: Tickner, "You Just Don't Understand", 618 (note 16). Back.

Note 31: Soellner, Alfons, (1987b), "Hans J. Morgenthau - Ein Deutscher Konservativer in Amerika? Eine Fallstudie zum Wissenstransfer durch Emigration", in: Erb, Rainer/Michael Schmidt (eds.), Antisemitismus und juedische Geschichte: Studien zu Ehren von Herbert A. Strauss, Berlin (Wissenschaftlicher Autorenverlag), 250. Interestingly enough, this (original) article differs a lot from its translated version (Soellner 1987a, translated by Eric Danly) in the interpretation of Morgenthau's biography. Back.

Note 32: Nietzsche, Friedrich, Thus spoke Zarathustra, quoted after: Der Derian, James/Michael Shapiro (eds.) (1989), International/Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics, Lexington, 1. Back.

Note 33: cf. Thompson, Kenneth (1984), "Philosophy and Politics: The Two Commitments of Hans J. Morgenthau", in: Thompson/Myers, Truth or Tragedy, 24. Back.

Note 34: Morgenthau, Hans J. (1952), Power Among Nations, New York (2nd edition), 30; so much for Morgenthau's worldview ... Back.

Note 35: Tickner, J. Ann (1988), "Hans Morgenthau's Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation", in: Millenium 17 (3), 434. Back.

Note 36: Arendt was a very close friend of Morgenthau. The interesting point to make here is that the way she dealt with her experiences of the past differs a lot - at least from my point of view - from that of her friend Morgenthau. Back.

Note 37: quoted in Tickner, "Hans Morgenthau's Principles of Political Realism", 434 Back.

Note 38: Connolly, William E. (1993), The Terms of Political Discourse, Oxford/Cambridge (3rd edition), 87. Back.

Note 39: cf. Tickner, "You Just Don't Understand", 617. Back.

Note 40: Tickner, "Hans Morgenthau's Principles of Political Realism". Back.

Note 41: cf. Tickner, "You Just Don't Understand", 621. Back.

Note 42: Kaplan, Questions of Travel, x. Back.

Note 43: Kaplan, Questions of Travel, x. Back.