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Asian Values Democracy from the Malaysian Perspective: Parity in Political Participation? *

Rashila Ramli **

International Studies Association

March 18-21, 1998

Abstract

This paper focuses on the partnership between men and women within the realm of political participation using Malaysia as a case study. Data is accumulated quantitatively and qualitatively. In Malaysia, women have been involved in politics even prior to independence. However, there is a tendency for a woman to play a supportive role rather than a role of a decision-maker. Thus, at present, there is an uneven parity between men and women in politics. Research shows that women's political participation is impacted by gender roles and ethnicity. Women face a number of obstacles when operating in the public sphere. While empirical data shows that more women are entering politics, it is argued that the democratization process has also been affected by Asian values.

 

I. Introduction

In Southeast Asia, the practices of democracy took place after the Second World War. ASEAN which now consists of 9 members encourages political participation through various democratic processes. Within this context, Malaysia has been practising a parliamentary form of government since Independence in 1957. Throughout the 1980s, the stability of the country indicated by the immense economic success of an average 8% growth between 1986-1995 is achieved under the leadership of a strong central government led by Prime Minister Dato' Sri Dr. Mahathir Mohammed. The strong Malaysian government spearheaded by the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) since independence, has practiced democratic procedures such as elections and the establishment of legislation through the parliamentary system of governance. Since all Malaysian citizens (men and women) over the age of 21 (and fulfill other requirement) have the right to vote, theoretically, Malaysians who exercise their rights every five years do participate in the political process. However, a country may have all the trappings of democracy, complete with political parties and free elections, yet the political process fails to answer to the needs and expectations of the people . . . the test of true democracy is when it empowers the people, to free themselves from the shackles of poverty, from ignorance and from domination, economic as well as psychological (Anwar Ibrahim, 1996:3)

In Malaysia, there are approximately 9 million women which represent half of the population of the country. Within the context of this research, the test of true democracy centers upon the empowerment of Malaysian women in the determination of their political, economic, and social well-being. In other words, without gender parity in politics, there is limited democracy. Elsewhere, research has been conducted to examine women's position with regard to the economic and social spheres of existence in Malaysia (Jamilah Ariffin, 1992, Wazir 1992, Sharifah Zaleha, 1996). Therefore, this research examines the question of parity in political participation using gender as the category for analysis with special emphasis on the societal construct pertaining to private and public spheres of existence.

 

II. Methodology

An interdisciplinary approach to data collection was undertaken in order to ensure a collection of a variety of data set. Primary data was collected in 1995 immediately after the general election which was held on the 25th of April 1995. A team of researchers conducted interviews with women candidates who ran for the election. A total of 60 women candidates ran for seats at the parliamentary and the state elections. This initial data set was complemented with other surveys given to members of different ethnically based political parties. These parties are the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). Finally, a set of survey was given to 152 respondents to measure various variables such as political awareness, gender issues, Asian values, and leadership.

Transcriptions of the interviews from the first data set were treated qualitative through the collection of narratives based on themes which have been identified as suitable for this study. The surveys, on the other hand, were analyzed quantitatively. A univariate analysis was conducted with regard to respondents' profile. Bivariate analyses were conducted to ascertain percentages and other relevant information.

The combination of qualitative and quantitative approach to research is found to be useful for a number of reasons. First, one is able to obtain first hand knowledge on the lives of women politicians in Malaysia. Second, initial base line data has been quantified for this study and for future usage. Third, the approach captures the complexity with envelopes political participation in a multi-ethnic society.

 

III. Women's Political Involvement

Political participation can be classified in many ways. Active participation may include the act of registering as a member of a political party, holding elected/appointed position within a party, as well as volunteering to canvas for votes during election campaigns. Passive participation may include voting as well as having a general awareness of political issues faced by the country. Furthermore, political participation also involves collective actions in organizations, may these be governmental or non-governmental organizations (Karl, 1995). In another categorization, political participation has been classified into three categories: spectator, transitional, and gladiator (Freeman, 1979). Robert Dahl (1975) also offers two hierarchical levels of political participation: 1) apolitical, and 2) political.

One of the most recent studies on the relationship between gender development and political participation is conducted by UNDP in 1996. In Appendix 1, one can conclude that Southeast Asian countries carry a lower index on "Gender empowerment Measure" when compared to developed countries. The index of 8.2 in "Seats in parliaments" implies that there is a need to identify the causes which lead to the uneven parity in political participation from a global perspective.

In Malaysia, women's role as vote-getters have been acknowledged by party leaders especially by the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), the party which has been in power since Independence in 1957. Furthermore, with a population of approximately 9 million which comprised 49.3% of the country's total population, where over half of these women are of voting age (21 years old and above), women are a force to be reckon with. However, if one were to survey the political scene with respect to active participation by women, then a different picture will emerge. Table 1 depicts the number and percentages of women representatives in parliament. The percentages from Table 1 clearly shows that even though the country has attained Independence status for the last 40 years, there is only 7.8% women representing 49.3% of the population. This percentage is well below the acceptable 30% level for the achievement of a critical mass which could then impact in decision-making process. 1 The critical mass is an agreed upon international standard by members of the Inter-Parliamentary Union of the Commonwealth Countries. At present only a small number of countries which have achieved this critical mass of women representatives. These are non-Commonwealth countries such as Sweden (40.4%), Norway (39.4%), Finland (33.5%) and the Netherlands (31.3%).

Table 1: Percentages of Women Representatives in Parliament
1955-1995
YEAR MEN WOMEN %WOMEN
1955 52 1 2.00
1959 101 3 2.90
1964 101 3 2.90
1969 142 2 1.38
1974 149 5 3.25
1978 147 7 4.54
1982 146 8 5.19
1986 170 7 3.95
1990 169 11 6.11
1995 177 15 7.80
Source: Federal Legislative Election.

Table 2 shows a more encouraging picture compared to data in Table 1 by illuminating the ratio between men and women representatives. Over the ten elections, it is observed that the ratio between men and women representatives have gradually decreased from a 51:1 in 1955 to the present ratio of 12:1 at the parliamentary level. Furthermore, it should be noted that this ratio is not static meaning that more women are entering the politic arena comparable to the increase in the number of seats per election. A total of 25 women became candidates for parliamentary seats for the 1995 general election where a total of 192 seats were contested by 420 candidates.

Table 2: Ratio of Representatives in Parliament
Men: Women
YEAR ELECTION TOTAL SEATS CANDIDATES WINNERS RATIO M:W
    MEN WOMEN MEN WOMEN  
1955 52 128 1 51 1 51:1
1959 104 255 4 101 3 34:1
1964 104 273 6 101 3 34:1
1969 144 366 4 142 2 71:1
1974 154 319 8 149 5 30:1
1978 154 391 11 147 7 21:1
1982 154 371 8 146 8 18:1
1986 177 449 7 170 7 24:1
1990 180 384 14 169 11 15:1
1995 192 395 25 167 15 12:1
Source: Rashila Ramli 1996.

In the above table, it is interesting to note that the ratio becomes unfavorable for women when there is a restructuring of electoral areas. Women are unable to maintain a presence in 1969 and 1986. This is because there is a drop in the number of women candidates thus decreasing the chances of women being elected to parliament.

However, it is also observed that over the years, there has been a progressively decreasing ratio between men and women representatives. In other words, the trend is favorable to women. Several factors could have led to the above observation. First, there are more educated women in the 1990s compared to the 80s. While there were only 48% women at the university level in 1983, the figure has risen to 66% by 1993. Furthermore, the literacy rate among women have also increased tremendously, from 64% in 1980 to 80% in 1991. Second, with the increase in literacy rate and the attainment of tertiary level of education, more women are able to enter the economic sector. This is especially true within sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture and administration. Women's entrance into the economic sector facilitate their entrance into politics because they are now endowed with financial resources which are necessary if one wants to succeed politics. Third, the health of Malaysian women have also improved over the years. As a result, this dimension which frees women from physical disabilities, allows women to be more actively involved in other pursuits which includes involvement in political activities. The effects of the combined variables have led to the increase in the number of professional women becoming party members. 2

Table 3: Percentage of Women Representatives in State Assemblies
(1986-1995)
YEAR TOTAL REPS MEN WOMEN % WOMEN
1986 447 435 12 2.7
1990 443 428 15 3.4
1995 498 474 24 4.8
Source: Election Commission Report.

Table 3 depicts the position of women representatives at the state levels. Malaysia has a total of 13 states. Each state is governed by either a hereditary ruler or an appointed governor. Each state ruler is assisted by a chief minister who chairs an executive council. This council is answerable to the State Assembly. In general, state's election is conducted concurrently to the Parliamentary election. It is observed that in the past decade, there has been some increase in the percentage of women representation at the state assembly level. However, this percentage increase is much lower at the state level compared to the federal level.

Table 4: Women State Executive Councillors
(1990-1995)
STATES 1990 1995
Perlis 0 1
Kedah 0 0
P.Pinang 1 1
Perak 1 1
Selangor 0 1
Negeri Sembilan 1 1
Melaka 0 0
Johor 1 2
Kelantan 0 0
Terengganu 0 0
Pahang 0 0
TOTAL 4 7
Source: HAWA Report.

Finally, Table 4 indicates the number of women state executive councillors. State executive councillors are appointed to their positions. In the peninsular Malaysia, 6 out of the 11 states have women state executive councillors. Although there has been strong advocates to increase the number of women in decision-making position, certain states have not taken the initiative. The states which do not have women executive councillors tend to be states which are dominated by Islamic leaning (Kelantan and Terengganu). Other states may be rather patriarchal in nature. One has yet to properly determine the reasons for the reluctance to appoint women to become members of the executive councils.

All Malaysians reaching the age of 21 have the right to vote. Unlike women in Great Britain and United States of America, Malaysian women did not have to endure the struggle in obtaining their rights to vote and to actively participate in politics either as card carrying members or as candidates for elections. However, despite the fact that two decades have passed since the Declaration of the Decade for Women by the United Nations, women in Malaysian politics are still at the margin though they are slowly making inroads toward the center. What are the obstacles faced by women? Moreover, how can one explain the uneven parity in political participation as observed in Malaysia?

 

IV. Gender, Asian Values, Ethnicity

In order to understand the dynamics involving political participation of women in Malaysia, it imperative to develop a framework for analysis which encompasses the environment surrounding day to day existence. The initial choice was to utilize the concepts of gender and space. However, such a framework is inadequate because immediate specificity would not be taken into consideration. As such, Asian values (assuming that "Asian values" do exist) and ethnicity must also be added to the framework in order to provide a more balance guideline for the study of women's participation in Malaysia. A schematic conceptualization is given below:

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As mentioned earlier, the category of focus for this study is gender. Once too often, gender is mistaken for biological differences commonly known as sex. Gender is actually a social construction of the relationship between men and women which dictates acceptable behaviours and norms where these norms are laden with cultural beliefs and practices (Hess and Ferre, 1987; Manderson, 1991; Rashila Ramli, 1995). These cultural beliefs and practises transcend all spheres of existence including the political arena which is the main locus of this research.

Immediate specificity calls for the inclusion of the practises of democracy which contain a number of elements identified as Asian values. Elsewhere, the controversial debate on the existence of Asian values have been covered extensively (Hitchcock, 1997; Emmerson, 1995; Kim Dae Jung, 1994;Chen Maiping, 1997; Neher, 1994.) It is justifiable to acknowledge that there is no consensus on the existence of an all-encompassing Asian values. Instead, one could argue that values associated with the Asians vary from one nation-state to another. While the variation may be larger, there are some overarching categories which Asian values could be categorized for analytical purposes. There are three major elements: 1)the preference over collective values instead of individual values, 2) the concern over duties rather than with rights, and 3) the importance placed upon the choice of government in fostering development, where it is argued that "only a strong and stable government can ensure the political stability required to obtain economic growth" (Tonneson, 1996: 10). Since verifications of these elements have been conducted elsewhere (Case, 1993; Crouch, 1996; 1992; Jesudason, 1995), the task at hand is to provide an analysis with an emphasis on the impact that gender has had within the discourses and practices of democracy in Malaysia in relation to Asian values and ethnicity.

It is argued here that gender has a very intimate partnership with Asian values. Asian values , specifically the preference over collective instead of individual values, and the concern over duties rather than rights have relegated women to certain spheres of existence. Women tend to be associated with the private sphere while men dominate the public sphere which happens to be the locus for political activities.

Space, thus, provides another dimension in this analysis. This is because political participation is commonly associated with the public sphere. Over the generations, men have gained authority in this space thus legitimizing their presence and deeds. Authority is gained through religious text interpretations as well as cultural norms which accord men a freer movement within the societal construct of a public sphere.

Finally, there is a need to recognize that ethnicity is a variable which must be considered because of its impact in the election results. The three major political parties within the National Alliance represent the three major ethnic groups in Malaysia. In the construction of gender roles, each ethnic group is influenced by a number of factors. Some of these factors overlapped. For example, social construction of gender for the Malays is influenced by customs or "adat," religious (Islamic) teachings and class. Gender roles within the Indian community are also influenced by customs and religious teachings. The Chinese, on the other hand, determines gender roles through customary practises rather than religion.

A. Deconstruction of the political arena

Since Independence, it cannot be denied that Malaysian women have participated in the political arena. However, despite the significant contribution which has been acknowledged the leadership of various parties, the number of women candidates put forth by each party is minuscule compared to the number of men candidates. In the 1995 a total of 60 women candidates ran for elected, out of which 39 won their seats. The figure reflects a winning rate of 66% for the most recent election. However, when compared with the mean percentage calculated for 10 elections held in Malaysia since Independence, this figure is low because the percentage mean is 74%. In other words, over the ten elections which the country has witnessed, an average of 74% of candidates won. In this case, if the number of candidates are very small to start with, then it is not suprising that the observed number of women representatives is very small both at the national as well as at the state level.

Women faced several obstacles when they chose to be actively involved in politics. In a study involving women candidates who ran in the 1995 elections, five major obstacles were identified. These factors are listed below:

These factors are exemplified through narratives uttered by women candidates:

Society's confidence in women is low, many people feel that women occupied the second position, they cannot become representatives . . . there are poison letters which raise the fact that there are many men, so why choose women? (a candidate from UMNO)
the biggest challenge faced by women is the need to balance responsibility as wife, mother, housekeeper, and as leader in society ( a candidate from MCA)
the opposition says that women cannot become leaders ( a candidate from UMNO)

Women candidates have to prove their ability as leaders because there is still general lack of confidence on women's leadership capability in politics among members of society. This situation changes when these candidates become incumbents in the next election. By this time, people are aware of the representatives' leadership potentials (Manderson, 1980). However, according to the candidates, the viewpoint of society is slowly changing due to the increase in education, exposure to more women in leadership position , and the awareness among women that they have to become agents of change.

Time management is a major challenge faced by women. This does not mean that men do not have household responsibility. However, the challenge of juggling the needs of the family versus the needs of the constituency is heavier on women since the responsibility of managing the household falls on the shoulders of the women. The issue of time management primarily affect women politicians in the age group of 30s and 40s This is because most women still have young or/and adolescent children. In this case, complete support from husbands is an essential ingredient to ensure success in the political arena.

Based on the third narrative, the religious challenge is only faced by women who stood for election is an area where she is opposed by candidates from the opposition party called Parti Se Islam Malaysia (PAS). This party does not allow their women members to stand for election based on a strict interpretation of the Quran. However, it does not mean that PAS women are not active. They are active within the boundaries which have been determined by the party. The women members congregate in an assembly known as "Dewan Muslimah."

The deconstruction of the political sphere highlights at least five challenges faced by women. Furthermore, it shows that gender becomes a factor because societal construction of the appropriate roles between men and women has relegated men the public sphere while women's primary duties are within the private sphere, better known as the household.

B. Parity in Participation?

In deconstructing the political arena, several things are apparent with regard to women's political participation in Malaysia. The presence of women is still in the margin, though slowly creeping toward the center. Quantitative data shows that there is an uneven parity in political participation. Malaysian women need another 25% representation at the national level in order to achieve a critical mass for meaningful participation.

Second, when gender is used as a category of analysis it is found that ethnicity rather than sex play a more major role in elections. Sex becomes a factor when candidates running for the same seats are from the same ethnic group. Sex is also a factor when a woman runs against a candidate from Islamic-based parties. In an interview with an UMNO woman state representative, she mentioned that her opponent who was a member of Parti Se-Islam Malaysia (PAS) was unable to find any substantive issues in challenging her candidacy. Thus, he launched his campaign by citing Islamic verses which do not allow women to become leaders. In order to counteract the attack, UMNO women called upon Ulamak (Religious leaders) to cite other verses from the Quran which allow women to be in a leadership position. In other occasions, ethnicity plays a major role in determining an outcome of an election. If a Malay woman were to compete against a Chinese male in a predominantly Malay area, then there is a greater chance for the woman to win the election.

Third, the process of democratization in Malaysia is sometimes hindered by the adherence to values associated with Malay tradition. Since the country has a Bumiputera 3 population of 57.8%, and the political power is in the hands of the Bumiputera, the values of this segment of the population tend to dominate the political arena. The National Front which is a coalition of the 14 parties is dominated by UMNO. Thus, the values of UMNO, the values of the Malays are upheld by a majority of people in the country. A majority of women actively participating in politics are Malay women, thus subjected to the adherence of Malay values.

Gender roles for Malay women are formed by norms based on tradition and Islamic teachings. Thus, there is a paradoxical image of a Malay woman: "in many ways she is the manager of the house as well as the decision-maker; but still obedient to her husband as the head of the family. She is working for money; but still the husband is recognized as the family provider and responsible for her upkeep" (Lund and Lie, 1996: 32). A Malay woman is expected to be responsible for the management of the household. Therefore, any activity outside the home is considered secondary. As such, a woman politician must always assure her constituents that the needs of her husband and children are taken care off while she discharges her duties as a representative. A woman politician must always shoulder the double burden. In fact, since she is a public figure, the well-being of her family often comes under public scrutiny. Only a woman with very strong character who has the complete support of her family dares to become actively involved in politics. Furthermore, it is also noted that within the Malay ethnic group, class also plays an important role in determining the level of participation. This is because traditionally, only Malay women from the ruling class became active in politics due to the influence played by their husbands. They tend to hold positions in the women's wings. Women from the "rakyat" (mass) level usually play the supporting role. Presently, such demarcation due to class has diminished because more professional women are entering politics.

The next element of Asian values concerns the notion of duty over rights. Within this context, the most prominent area where gender construction impacts rather negatively centers on the roles that women should play in society. This normative prescription tends to see women in the roles of wives and (m)others. The biggest challenge is balancing the responsibility as a housekeeper, wife, (m)other and leader in society. I feel that I must always remember that because we cannot be too carried away with our position to the point of neglecting the children and husband -- The Honourable Representative from Muadzam Shah, Pahang.

Sometimes, even while sleeping, my brain is still working. sometimes the kids would ask, Mama, PTA meeting? I make a point when it comes to that, I must, I have to consider their feelings. I must look after my husband, look after the family... 24 hours is not enough . . .
- The Honourable MP from Sarawak

From the above statements, women leaders indicated clearly that the double burden which they shouldered can be conflictual to their performance as leaders in the political arena. The conflict arises from the fact that men and women in Asian societies are required to emphasize duty above their rights. Much as they have the right to participate equally in politics, many women chose not to enter the field because they believe that their primary role centers upon nurturing their immediate family. This does not mean that they do not work. Besides household work, most are professional women who contribute substantial income to the family coffer.

The belief in duty over rights is socialized into an Asian person from the time he/she is very young. Boys and girls are told that it is their duty to look after their parents when their parents are old. Furthermore, older siblings are told that it is their duty to sacrifice their own education in order to ensure that the younger ones are taken care off. In this context, girls are socialized to accept their duties in taking care of the household. This social construction is further enhanced by the media in depicting stereotype roles of women. In the decades of the 70s and 80s, school textbooks also reinforce the duties and roles which should be played by men and women. Asians are not conditioned to talk about their rights.

Malay culture places duties over rights. In the political arena, political parties accommodate women by creating a wing alongside the party proper. Another wing of a political party is the youth. This accommodation concurs with the belief the "a husband is the protector the family." In the Malaysian context, UMNO can be liken to the head of the household. The women and the youth wings are under the patriarchal governance of UMNO proper. It is the duty of Wanita UMNO and Pemuda UMNO to ensure that UMNO remains strong and united. The placement of duties over rights is substantiated when one observes that women members are asked to work industriously. However, when women requested for more seats including voting rights within UMNO proper, their request was lightly entertained. Such attitude is prevalent at the national level. Recently, a woman Member of Parliament pointed out that Malaysian women have been waiting since 1985 to be given due recognition in the form of a 30% representation in all decision-making positions (NST, Oct, 1997). The newspaper reported that her speech was loudly applauded by her male counterparts. Will this apparent support translate into action? Will duties toward the party prevail over the rights of individuals? Malay values coupled with Islamic teachings call for Malay women to renegotiate their values within the realm of day-to-day reality in Malaysia (Lie & Lund, 1996). Renegotiation is necessary in order to achieve parity in political participation.

However, it is interesting to note that such values are not upheld by the second major ethnic group, the Chinese. Recently, the Secretary-General of the The Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA), Datuk Dr. Ting Chew Peh announced that MCA will take necessary steps to increase the percentage of women in decision-making positions. In fact, the party is aiming for a 15% target in the next three years (UM Oct 31, 1997). MCA is asking all of its branches at the state level to increase the number of women in committees and to elect women at least to the post of a vice-president. Datuk Dr. Ting stated that the role played by women can strengthen the party in numerous ways. Chinese women's political participation is hampered by the lack of interest exhibited by women. Chinese women tend to be highly involved in economic and social activities/organizations. Furthermore, within the context of Malaysian history, Chinese women did not play any substantial role. In fact, during the Japanese occupation of Malaya, they suffered prosecution and humiliation, thus leading to the fall of any nascent political organizations for women.

With regard to Indian women, the present scenario parallels political participation of women at the national level. Initially, members tend to be wives of Indian politicians. Now, more working women are entering politics. In a recent survey, the profile shows that the majority of the members are in the age group between 35-44. Over 71.1% of the membership received secondary school education, while 19.5% are university graduates. However, compared to the general Indian population these women do not have more than three children. This factor may account for the fact that they are able to participate actively in politics.

At the national level, there is only one MIC woman member of parliament, Dr. Leela Rama who won the Kampar District seat in the 1995 General election. There is none at the state level. MIC women do believe that women's party leadership is accepted by the Indian public at large. They also believe that they have the same leadership capabilities as men. However, these women also stated that they would give preference to collective responsibility over individual rights, implying that Indian women are willing to sacrifice for their party. Despite the committment shown by these women, they are not given proper recognition for their effort. MIC women believe that their belief that their voices are not heard, that they are not given the chance to show their leadership skills by the male party members. Such beliefs may be reasons as to the disparity in political participation as observed at the national and local levels.

 

V. Conclusion

This paper attempts to shed light on the lack of parity in political participation in Malaysia. Women from all major ethnic groups have been involved in politics from the time prior to Independence. However, in the initial stage of the formation of the nation-state, only the Malay women, who were members of "Kaum Ibu" were highly visible. Their roles as vote-getters and their total committment to the political objectives of the UMNO were acknowledged by the leadership of the country. A large number of Chinese and Indian women began to joint various political parties only after serious effort in increasing party membership was undertaken by different party leadership. This situation at the grassroots is reflected by the number of women representation at the parliamentary and at the state levels.

The paper has also identified a number of obstacles which women faced when they become actively involved in politics. Women's political participation which is in the public sphere of existence is affected by ethnicity and Asian values. In many cases, ethnicity rather than sex will determine a successful election result. In other cases, the biological identity of a person is attacked based on religious ground. However, Malaysian women have developed strategies in order to combat such adversaries. Thus, in a country which has a strong government, only conscious political will within the governing body and a dynamic strategic planning from the grassroots can substantial changes be made toward an achievement of gender parity for the nation and the future generation of citizens.

 

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Appendix 1: Gender Development and Political Participation

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Appendix 2: Ratio of Representatives at Parliament
Women : Men

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*: The author would like to thank the Center for East and Southeast Asia Studies (GESEAS) at Goteborg University, Sweden, the Institute for Malaysian and International Studies (IKMAS), and the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, UKM Malaysia for research grant which made this study possible. Back.

**: Dept. of Political Science
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Back.

Note 1: International survey by the Commonwealth Secretariat shows at the national parliaments, no commonwealth country has a critical mass of women (at least one-third of women representatives). Back.

Note 2: This information was given by the Dato' Dr. Siti Zaharah Sulaiman, Head of Wanita UMNO. It is verified by observation made during field work in 1995. Back.

Note 3: Bumiputera means people of the land. Malays and the Malay-related are considered to be Bumiputera. Furthermore, other ethnic groups such as the Orang Asli (the aborigines) in peninsula Malaysia, Dayaks and Kadazan in East Malaysia. "Most of them originate from rural, agricultural and fishing communities" (Lund and Lie, 1996: 28). Back.