Cambodia and the International Community: The Quest for Peace, Development, and Democracy

Frederick Z. Brown and David G. Timberman (eds.)

Asia Society

1998

Cambodia and the International Community: The Road Ahead
by Kao Kim Hourn

 

History

To appreciate the important role played by the international community in Cambodia today, one must first understand the country's tortured history. Upon gaining its independence from France in 1953 Cambodia began the process of nation building with sizable investments devoted to education, health, and infrastructural improvements. GDP began to grow and agricultural production increased during this period, making Cambodia one of the world's largest rice exporters. In 1967 Cambodia exported some 500,000 tons of rice, whereas in the immediate aftermath of the Pol Pot regime (1979) it was forced to import between 200,000-300,000 tons of rice. The international climate of the early 1970s, particularly the bombings of the country in Nixon's secret war during 1969-72 as a "sideshow" to the Vietnam conflict, led to the rapid reversal of these modest achievements and ultimately helped create one of the darkest periods in Cambodian history, commencing in 1975 when the Khmer Rouge came to power. ₁

The Khmer Rouge dismantled all existing state institutions and implemented a bizarrely misguided utopian experiment based on forced labor and total autarky, a brutal system without money, economic markets, private property, or human rights. An enormous loss of human capital followed. An extermination campaign was waged against the professional class, intellectuals, and skilled individuals, which drained Cambodia of its human resource capacity. This reign of terror lasted until 1979, but the misery and suffering as well as the legacy of this vicious experiment continues.

In the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge's depredations and the 1978 Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia, the international community responded with an outpouring of humanitarian aid amounting to $700 million from 1979 to 1981, one of the largest international aid efforts of its kind. Most of this aid was channeled toward emergency refugee relief through multilateral organizations, such as the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, the International Red Cross, and other organizations assisting many refugees in Thailand and on the Thai-Cambodian border. Virtually no aid was dedicated to rebuilding Cambodia's shattered physical and human infrastructure.

International opposition to the Vietnamese-supported regime (initially the People's Republic of Kampuchea and later the State of Cambodia) resulted in the declaration of an economic embargo by most Western countries. The political dynamics of the cold war during this period meant that the plight of Cambodians was virtually forgotten. The Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc states provided some support from 1982 until 1989; financial and technical assistance from socialist countries amounted to about $100 million per year. ₂ But the rest of the world remained indifferent to the desperate needs of Cambodians during this period. As one observer noted, "even the UN turned a deaf ear." ₃

After years of indifference the international community, prompted by the withdrawal of the Vietnamese military from Cambodia and the vacuum left by the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, unleashed a barrage of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and bilateral aid to assist Cambodia in its reconstruction efforts. Cambodia was once again on the international agenda occupying a large space on the world stage. Interest in Cambodia was further stimulated by the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodian Conflict (Paris Accords) of 1991, which ultimately led to UN-supervised elections in May 1993. A total of $2 billion was allocated for the United Nations Transition Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), which primarily supported peacekeeping operations prior to the elections. Bilateral and multilateral organizations promised an additional $2.3 billion in assistance for development from 1992 to 1995. ₄ For a small country like Cambodia, with a population of just 10 million, this international commitment can only be described as generous.

If the international commitment was great, so too were the problems. The challenges facing any new government of a "failed state" are difficult. These challenges were multiplied several times over in the Cambodian context of a depleted human capital, devastated physical infrastructure, underproductive agricultural sector, and fragmented political system. It was as if someone had picked up the whole of Cambodian society, shaken it violently, and then watched the pieces come down. This is the reality that faced the Royal Government of Cambodia when it took office in October 1993 after the adoption of the new constitution.

One of the first priorities was to jump start socioeconomic recovery and growth in Cambodia by simultaneously stimulating different economic sectors. The international community played a critical role in this initiative, providing assistance for basic infrastructure and training. It also provided breathing space for the government to enhance its political legitimacy by delivering basic goods and services to its citizens. The initial assistance was provided by bilateral and multilateral donors responding to the government's identified priorities. Most of the efforts toward the renewal and reconstruction of Cambodia were coordinated through the International Committee on the Reconstruction of Cambodia (ICORC). ICORC is made up of a variety of donor countries and international organizations. The principal donors are Japan, the United States, France, Sweden, and Australia. International organizations include the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The royal government also benefited from external assistance in the form of balance of payment supports from institutions such as the IMF through the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) and from the World Bank, plus some bilateral partners, in order to meet necessary budgetary requirements. In addition various bilateral and multilateral partners, including the Asian Development Bank, the UN Development Program, and a host of NGOs, also provided support for strengthening macroeconomic management and development. These efforts were significant to the achievement of relative economic stability in Cambodia during the 1994-96 period.

 

Today's Problems

Political stability has continued to be elusive. Cambodia's precarious political situation in the wake of the 1993 elections required that national reconciliation take a position of prime importance in the government's agenda. The coalition government attempted, with only modest success, to focus on political reconciliation and consensus building. The international community played an important role in supporting Cambodia's evolving democracy through awareness campaigns and diplomatic efforts and attempted, with mixed success, to serve as a watchdog over human rights. The events of July 1997 in which First Prime Minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh was removed from the leadership of FUNCINPEC has made this task more complicated, at least in the short term.

By 1996 a sentiment was emerging that Cambodia had already been given enough support by the international community, which would be well advised to scale down its financial involvement. Critics argued that other countries were more deserving and capable of using this aid more effectively. This sentiment has no doubt been given momentum by the unsettling events of July 1997. While one cannot deny that needs are great elsewhere in the world, a decision to "move on" would, at this point, be a grave error on the part of the international community. Such a decision would jeopardize the significant achievements accomplished over the last few years in Cambodia. Despite recent events Cambodia is on the road to progress and development, and it still needs support from the international community. The government seems willing to "take the training wheels off its bicycle" but it must have the reassurance that the international community will be nearby.

We live in a world of rapid technological change and split-second communications, but nation building does not occur overnight. It is a long, time-consuming process, particularly for a country with such a tragic past. Ultimately Cambodians are responsible for their own development and prosperity, but the international community also has an interest and a stake in seeing the nation succeed. As Cambodia is still among the poorest countries in the world, there is a certain degree of altruism in the international community that would tend to support its continued commitment. The international community has already made a significant investment in Cambodia; if it wants to protect this investment and ensure that Cambodia does not slide back into chaos, it should continue to participate in the process of building a sound economy as the foundation of a stable society. The reemergence of crime and political instability in Cambodia would be especially costly for Thailand, Vietnam, and Malaysia and should compel them to take an active interest in their neighbor's progress. This will become even more relevant with Cambodia's eventual membership in ASEAN.

The ASEAN countries have made clear their desire for a secure and prosperous Cambodia as an important part of the plan to develop a united Southeast Asia. In particular, while nonintervention remains the cardinal principle for conduct among ASEAN states, the concept of "constructive engagement" is now being floated by such people as Malaysia's deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim, who had the following to say in 1996 at the Second International Forum on Toward One Southeast Asia in the 21st Century:

[ASEAN] should not tolerate the existence of two regions, one prosperous and developed centered around the older members of ASEAN who had a head start, and the other poor and technologically handicapped, made up of the new ASEAN states. ...[ASEAN] cannot be oblivious to the problems of underdevelopment of the other members. ₅

Consequently we may see greater involvement in Cambodia by its regional cousins in part as a result of the July events. Thus far most of the involvement in Cambodia from ASEAN states has been in the area of foreign direct investment. Serious questions remain: What will be ASEAN's economic development obligations once Cambodia formally joins the regional organization? And to what extent should ASEAN assist in rebuilding the sense of political viability that was damaged by the July events?

The larger international community through the United Nations also has obligations to which it committed itself in the 1991 Paris Peace Accords. These include guarantees to assist and monitor the peace-building process, which is more than just the supervision of democratic elections. William Shawcross makes the case that the continued assistance of the international community is essential in ensuring social and political peace, which will then give rise to development and economic prosperity:

Determination by Cambodia's rulers will have to be matched by continued interest from the international community. There is a danger that the international attention that was so vital in helping Cambodia address its problems in recent years has now turned away in the belief that those problems are solved. They are not. Indeed, it should be clear from the Cambodian example that a peacekeeping mission needs follow-through and sustained commitment if, in the long run, it is to change a society. If the success of UNTAC is to be built upon, continued international interest, pressure, and assistance are vital. ₆

 

Successes and Failures

As with virtually every experience with international assistance in developing countries, there have been both successes and failures in Cambodia. The lesson learned from these experiences will help us better understand how future assistance from the international community can be improved. The term "international community" here refers to the United Nations and its various branches (e.g., UNDP, UNESCO, UNICEF, WHO, FAO, etc.), international organizations, and nongovernmental organizations, individually or collectively. International assistance has been effective in many ways in helping Cambodia emerge from a "failed state to a democratic one." ₇ It has made contributions in the following areas:

Peace, Political Stability, and Security

Without considerable international assistance Cambodia could not have achieved even the very limited degree of political stability and security it has today. Building peace is a long-term process that requires much national and international effort in order to succeed. Fortunately for Cambodia, the international community has provided both moral and financial support. Its active interest will continue to be critical as Cambodia edges toward its second national elections in 1998.

Democracy

Given the recent political tensions and violence, the suggestion that Cambodia's democracy has been strengthened through the efforts of the international community may be shocking. However, Cambodia's democracy is only four years old and has made some clear advances during that time. Of particular note is the high level of consciousness among ordinary Cambodians of their democratic rights and liberties in the new society, even if there is little evidence of praxis. Democracy is not yet rooted in the country, but support from outside may be helpful in making it a reality. The role of the international community is not yet clear, but it is likely that foreign observers will help monitor the 1998 election, albeit with a smaller presence than in 1993. In the meantime the support for civil society through nongovernmental organizations continues through internationally supported training and awareness activities.

Stable Macroeconomics

As Cambodia moves from a centrally planned to a market-oriented economy, it is critical that it create a stable economic climate. International financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank have played an important role in supporting macroeconomic stability through various economic strategies and the implementation of structural adjustment policies. This type of support generates a favorable investment climate for investors, thus encouraging foreign investment and eventually enabling the private sector to become the engine of growth and development.

Land Mines

Cambodia is one of the most heavily mined countries in the world, and the international community has been very supportive in responding to Cambodia's needs with respect to training, research, mine removal, and advocacy. The international community's ability to mount an international advocacy campaign to ban land mines has been particularly noteworthy and would not have materialized without its input. This campaign may result in a universal ban on land mines.

Integration

International assistance has helped Cambodia to move toward regional and global integration. Cambodia was looking forward to becoming a full member of ASEAN in July 1997. Although admission has been delayed, Cambodia will eventually join. Successful and sustainable integration activities will involve high costs, increased human resource training, and greater exposure to the outside world after two decades of isolation.

While the benefits from aid have been notable, there are several areas where aid has failed or can be improved.

Dependency

To a degree, nongovernmental organizations, indeed the government itself, are still stuck in the emergency relief mode and have failed to make the transition to the idea of fostering development. Many organizations working in Cambodia since the crisis of the 1980s have not adequately addressed the shift in focus between relief and development. As a result dependency has been created among the beneficiaries. Cambodians have become familiar with the culture of international development and know what funders want to hear. They also have become too willing to allow different organizations do things for them. Cambodians must become more involved in their own development projects and take greater responsibility for their future. The issue of dependency is often difficult to address and must be dealt with on a case-by-case basis. However, in some circumstances the international community must be firm with the potential beneficiaries and ready to pull out of a project if an increase in dependency is seen. There are, of course, no scales to measure dependency, which makes the task of the international community even more difficult. However, as Cambodia matures the community should be aware of the potential hazards this may create.

Nonsustainable Projects

The goal of all development assistance should be to make the particular project sustainable after outside funding has ended. Unfortunately this is often not the case. One of the problems is the human resource deficit and lack of educated Cambodians, whose wages are high owing to the demand for skilled people. While international agencies often can afford to hire these individuals, local organizations find it difficult to employ them because of their high salaries. Another problem is the poaching of staff members. Unfortunately it is common for international organizations to hire Cambodians already working for another development organization by simply offering a higher wage. While the general motivation behind such moves is understandable, this practice should be discouraged; in countries like Cambodia with a limited pool of talent, no organization will be willing to invest in training its employees if all staff placements are subject to such poaching.

Project Survival

More thought has to be given to long-term project survival. Beneficiaries must be involved from the very beginning, and there should be a long-term plan that would allow the funding organization eventually to phase out its involvement. More organizations must be willing to hand over responsibility to local groups and people and allow them to make mistakes and learn.

Urban Bias

For various reasons, including security threats, the urban area of Phnom Penh has received a disproportionate amount of attention over the rural areas. This is a potentially damaging situation, especially as more than 80 percent of the population currently resides in rural areas. While Phnom Penh's economy is relatively well off, the rural areas are often neglected. The average monthly income is four times higher in Phnom Penh than in the provinces. Spending on education is twice as high in the city. What is perhaps more worrying is that the disparity between the urban and rural areas is increasing at an alarming rate. As one report states:

Rural development is on everybody's lips in Cambodia and most actors recognize both the lack of rural development and the need for it. In spite of this, the pattern of heavy concentration of economic growth around the Phnom Penh area has not been broken. No matter how many studies point to the need for rural investment, this is, consciously or unconsciously, largely ignored by donors (whose agents mainly live in Phnom Penh). ₈

The same report revealed the concern of some officials within the Australian Foreign Ministry who worried that the economic unbalance may result in the repetition of the history of the 1970s. If development is to be sustainable it must address all parts of Cambodia, not just the areas most accessible to international officials, investors, and government officers. Some development organizations are doing a remarkable job in this area--but expanded efforts are necessary.

 

Communication and Coordination: Too Many Drivers

Communication and coordination among the various governments, international organizations, and smaller nongovernmental organizations can be improved substantially. Efforts are already under way to address some of these concerns and improve communication links and increase dialogue, and these must continue. At its annual meetings the ICORC had the potential to coordinate assistance among the international donors and the government, but this was never realized. Now as the ICORC is replaced by the World Bank-sponsored Consultative Group Meetings (CGM), it is hoped that aid coordination will be a higher priority.

Regardless of the outcome the international community must adopt an active communications policy both internally and externally, with a view to promoting mutual learning and cooperation. This also could include greater involvement in development policy debates at the national level and more structured links with other agencies and institutions. The royal government also has responsibilities to help coordinate international assistance by developing a clear set of priorities and needs. Naturally, it has taken time to elaborate the goals and prioritize the actions, resource requirements, and strategies initially presented in the National Program to Rehabilitate and Develop Cambodia. Nevertheless, the publication of Cambodia's First Socioeconomic Plan (FSEP) for 1996-2000 makes significant moves toward better defining the government's priorities.

In the absence of a clearly defined development policy and plan, projects and programs have evolved in an ad hoc manner. Consequently the opportunity to develop comprehensive and cogent approaches has been lost. This lack of a defined vision at the national level has led to the absence of a clear policy framework in several areas. The establishment of a coordination mechanism within the Council for Development of Cambodia (CDC) may be able to assure that Official Development Assistance (ODA) and investment flows are supportive of nationally determined priorities. The lack of coordination among donors has resulted in some duplicated poor aid management, particularly with respect to the technical assistance provision.

Thus far the government has welcomed development assistance from all categories of donor agency. This "open door" policy has meant that donors could operate in an environment where priorities have not always been clear and coordination of different activities to achieve common objectives has been less than successful. The almost total dependence on external funding for development expenditure has created a situation wherein international agencies working in Cambodia have often felt free to conduct themselves as they please with little or no coordination with the government or other agencies. Undoubtedly many of their initiatives may prove to be valuable, but even well-meaning assistance must respect the sovereignty of a democratically elected Cambodian government. Efforts to bypass the state only reinforce the weakness of the state and promote a lack of respect for the rule of law and the democratic process.

Some officials of international agencies often feel that they know better than the government or that they somehow have privileged access to the concerns of ordinary Cambodians. This may or may not be the case--the important thing is that information is shared among all parties and these programming decisions are made as inclusive as possible. The concept of sustainable development is in vogue with the international community at the moment, and it should therefore be well understood that along with environmental and economic sustainability the international community must also promote political sustainability. Once the international agencies have gone it will be Cambodians, both governmental and private, who are left to pick up the pieces.

 

Different Strokes

Finally, on the issue of aid coordination, different stakeholders have different motivations for providing assistance. Aid organizations often compete against each other in what has been termed "the dynamic of the aid market." ₉ Often competition for aid contracts has meant that different organizations involved in development seek to establish their specialized niches, vigorously defending their area of specialization and sharing very little information with others. It is simple to predict that coordination will break down rapidly in such an environment. Various agencies have their own institutional survival to think about, which may force them to compete with other agencies. But some sort of conflict-resolution mechanism is needed to put the welfare of the Cambodian people ahead of these interinstitutional concerns.

 

Challenges Ahead

Cambodia has benefited immensely from the support of the international community as it travels down the road of development. The amount of assistance is significant, but then so was the crisis. Indeed the majority of funds have gone toward emergency relief and reconstruction rather than development per se. Similarly UNTAC's funds were directed primarily toward resettlement, repatriation, and peacekeeping.

An important shift in emphasis concerning external assistance took place in 1995 when international donors decided to pursue development instead of the previous reconstruction rehabilitation phase. The progression from emergency relief to development is an important one. It is not necessarily an easy transition because it involves a change in both outlook and philosophy. Unquestionably the emergency and rehabilitation efforts that were such an integral part of the initial international response were at least partially responsible for creating an environment of dependency among Cambodians. Nonetheless, it is important that we now move beyond this initial rehabilitation and reconstruction mentality to a more sustainable development approach. Both the Cambodian government and the international community must understand the significance of this shift in emphasis and come to realize the effect that this should have on their policies and programming.

Approximately 45 percent of the government's budget is derived from foreign aid. Most of this is directed to the public sector. While there is a plan to reduce the number of government employees, nobody quite knows how to achieve this, especially given the rather tense political situation. Such reform is vital if Cambodia is to develop a core group of qualified public sector employees for the effective governance of the country. Current public service employees are often poorly skilled, poorly paid, and therefore poorly motivated.

This desperate situation in public service has given rise to many dubious operational practices that are self-defeating in the long term. Moreover some of these practices seem to be encouraged by donors and condoned by the government. They include the provision of incentive payments to public sector employees to top-up their meager government salaries in exchange for being an "adviser" to a particular project. Although it may help the donor get things done, it does little to tackle public sector inefficiencies and has no sustainable impact except to skew salary structures.

Even if expenditures are controlled, the government will have to find an alternative revenue arrangement from the current one wherein 60-70 percent of tax revenue is derived from custom duties. As Cambodia prepares to enter ASEAN it will be forced to drop these tariffs and replace them with other means of raising revenue. Once again the emphasis must be on sustainable development; otherwise Cambodians are mortgaging the future of the younger generation.

"Sustainable development" does not only mean sustainable economic development but also sustainable political development. Cambodia is a particularly weak state and needs the international community to work with the government as partners, advisors, and friends. There is a tendency for the international community to focus primarily on economic stability with an assumption that as long as governments can deliver the goods (such as an annual 7 percent growth rate) they will enjoy political legitimacy. The Cambodian political situation is much too fragile to make this assumption. Domestic imperatives suggest that political stability is the key to development. Without peace and stability there can be no development. It is sad but undeniable that the events of July 1997 have complicated the achievement of internal stability, at least in the short term.

Sustainable political development can be supported from the international community through diplomacy and careful action encouraging democracy, human rights, and a free and independent judiciary in Cambodia. Local participation in decision making, especially in the rural areas feeling increasingly left out of the development process, must be encouraged. An excellent example of this is the UNDP's rural development initiative CARERE II, which uses a two-pronged approach that supports state capacity development while simultaneously promoting local participatory decision making. Currently there are no elected officials below the national level (commune elections have not yet been held) so there is little political legitimacy (democratic) at the provincial, district, commune, or village levels. The CARERE II program sets up a chain of elected committees from the village level on up. At the same time the project supplies the provinces with independent budget support from which they can fund "worthy projects" suggested by the villages and communes. This bottom-up approach empowers local community members while building up the capacity of the provincial government and giving legitimacy to the formal organs of the state. While mistakes will certainly be made, the project will be much more sustainable in the long term than a project implemented by an NGO that undermines the authority of the state. ₁₀

While foreign involvement in the political sphere can be difficult in terms of respecting the legitimacy of a sovereign state, there are still many areas in which they may participate, particularly in a supportive role working with other Cambodians. An important area that could be strengthened is the support foreigners could give to local NGOs to grow and prosper. The capacity of local NGOs in Cambodia must be strengthened--the creation of a meaningful civil society depends upon it. Once again this emphasizes the sustainable aspects of development, one that endures after the international NGOs have gone home. It is not enough to simply employ Cambodians in existing international NGOs (although this is useful). Endogenous development will occur only if local NGOs are formed that are managed by Cambodians for Cambodians. The creation of a civil society in Cambodia depends upon it.

In terms of support for human rights outsiders must recognize that the people of developing countries, their organizations, and their governments play the central role and hold prime responsibility for achieving progress. The fundamental principles of human rights are universal, but each society and each region crafts its own approach, drawing on its culture, history, and political economic traditions. The international community plays a critical but supporting role drawing on its own experiences. It should not attempt to export particular institutions or practices but rather seek to work carefully and sensitively with those in developing countries who are best placed to achieve positive change. At times this may mean working with the government rather than against it.

A question often raised in connection with international assistance is the issue of conditionality. Whether we Cambodians like it or not, conditionality of aid or loans will always be used to pursue the foreign policies of various countries or organizations in one form or another. This is the prerogative of the donor country or organization involved. However, these donors must be realistic with their demands and not impose conditionality in a reckless manner. This involves identifying feasible options as well as outlining responsible conditions for countries like Cambodia that must struggle daily with the realities of underdevelopment. The recent decision of the IMF to withdraw assistance from Cambodia because of the continuation of illegal logging in the provinces seemed a fair decision. However, the IMF should be clearer in its motives and avoid playing the role of environmental hero on this issue. The IMF does not so much care that logging continues in these areas; its concern is that revenues from these felled trees are poured into the National Treasury.

 

Conclusion

Cambodia has been the recipient of billions of dollars in assistance from the international community. While the amount of assistance may seem enormous to most international observers, most of the money spent over the years has been applied to emergency relief, not to development. While the process of rehabilitation, reconstruction, and development has been initiated, it will need to be sustained for at least a decade to come. Does the international community have the patience to endure another decade of international assistance to Cambodia? Some observers suggest that aid is an anomaly from a bygone era, while others have called for a rethinking of the entire concept. Most share the idea that current development cooperation must be reformed in order to ensure long-term goals. International development in Cambodia has matured to a degree that it is possible to discuss long-term goals with confidence. The task before us is therefore to commit to these long-term objectives in a cooperative and sustainable fashion so that Cambodia can rebuild itself and become a respectable member of the world community.

 

Endnotes

Note 1: See William Shawcross, Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon, and the Destruction of Cambodia (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979). Back.

Note 2: John P. McAndrew, Aid Infusions, Aid Illusions, Working Paper No. 2 (Phnom Penh: Cambodian Development Resource Institute, January 1996). Back.

Note 3: François Ponchaud, Cambodia: Year Zero, trans. Nancy Amphoix (London: Allen Lane/Penguin Books, 1977), p. 215. Back.

Note 4: Actual disbursements of international aid during 1992-95 totaled only $1.3 billion--approximately $1 billion short of target. McAndrew, Aid Infusions, Aid Illusions. Back.

Note 5: Kao Kim Hourn, "Cambodia-ASEAN Partnership for Regional Peace," in Peace and Cooperation: Alternative Paradigms, ed. Kao Kim Hourn and D. Merican (Phnom Penh: Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace, 1997), p. 169. Back.

Note 6: William Shawcross, Cambodia's New Deal (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1994), p. 1. Back.

Note 7: Statement by Madeleine Albright at 1993 Press Conference at Pochentong Airport, Phnom Penh. Back.

Note 8: Jan Ovesen et al., When Every Household Is an Island: Social Organization and Power Structures in Rural Cambodia (Phnom Penh: Swedish International Development Authority, 1995), p. 25. Back.

Note 9: B. Bernander et al., Facing a Complex Emergency: An Evaluation of Swedish Support to Emergency Aid in Cambodia (Stockholm: Swedish International Development Authority, 1995). Back.

Note 10: See Michael W. Doyle, Peacebuilding in Cambodia, IPA Policy Briefing Series (New York: International Peace Academy, 1996), p. 17. Back.